Showing posts with label lawyer. Show all posts
Showing posts with label lawyer. Show all posts

Sunday, 21 July 2019

Lawyers behind historic Section 377 verdict come out as a couple

In an interview to CNN’s Fareed Zakaria on 18 July, Supreme Court lawyers, Menaka Gurswamy and Arundhati Katju opened up as being a couple.

Last year the Indian Supreme Court read down the draconian Section 377. Menaka Guruswamy and Arundhati Katju had spearheaded the legal challenge to strike down Section 377 of IPC.

The duo highlighted those who suffered under the law by enlisting more than two dozen gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender people as co-petitioners. They contested that people risked arrest for publicly identifying themselves as part of the LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer) community.

“The loss in 2013 was a loss as lawyers, a loss as citizens. It was a personal loss. It is not nice to be a ‘criminal’ who has to go back to court as a lawyer to argue other cases.”
Menaka Guruswami to CNN



Soon after the video was aired, the duo took to Twitter to tweet about #SareeTwitter.


These women are sure breaking the glass ceiling and have paved the way for many more to do the same!

On 6 September the Indian Supreme Court struck down the draconian Victorian era law that criminalized homosexuality.

It emphatically overruled its regressive Koushal judgment of 2013, which had upheld Section 377 of the IPC in its entirety, allowing it to be used to punish even consensual same-sex acts.

History was made. It is no longer a criminal offense to be gay in India.

The Supreme Court of India delivered a landmark judgment, decriminalising a 157-year-old British-era law that criminalised even consensual homosexual relations.

The Constitution Bench, comprising Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra, as well as Justices Rohinton Nariman, DY Chandrachud, AM Khanwilkar and Indu Malhotra delivered a unanimous judgment.

“First step towards vanquishing enemies of prejudice and injustice has to be taken”, read the judgment. We must get rid of prejudice and discrimination. Concept of Constitutional morality creates responsibility of State to protect. Fidelity to constitutional morality must not be confused with popular sentiment.”
Justice DY Chandrachud

(Source: The Quint) 

Monday, 18 March 2019

Iranian human rights lawyer sentenced to 38 years in prison, her family says

Prominent Iranian human rights lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh has been sentenced to 38 years in prison and 148 lashes, according to her family.

Sotoudeh is well known for representing human rights defenders, dissidents and women who protested against the compulsory wearing of a headscarf in Iran.

According to IRNA, Iran's state-owned news service, the human rights lawyer was convicted of "gathering and colluding to commit crimes against national security" and for "insulting the Supreme Leader".

A Facebook post by her husband Reza Khandan said the ruling sentenced her to 33 years and 148 lashes. He added that the punishment brings her prison time to 38 years. In 2016, she was sentenced in absentia to five years, according to Khandan.

Iranian lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh at her home in Tehran on September 18, 2013, after being freed following three years in prison.
But state media said that Sotoudeh was sentenced to seven years in prison, citing the judge in the case, Mohammad Moghiseh. The reasons for the discrepancy in the reports was not immediately clear.

"Nasrin Sotoudeh has dedicated her life to defending women's rights and speaking out against the death penalty -- it is utterly outrageous that Iran's authorities are punishing her for her human rights work," said Philip Luther, Amnesty International's Middle East and North Africa research and advocacy director, in a statement on Monday.

Last June, Sotoudeh was arrested at her home in Tehran and taken to Evin prison, a notorious jail just outside the capital.

According to Amnesty International, Iran conducted its "worst" crackdown in a decade in 2018, arresting over 7,000 dissidents.

Sotoudeh, a winner of the European Parliament's Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought, is serving a jail sentence for a second time. In 2010, she was sentenced to 11 years in prison on charges related to her work defending detained Iranian demonstrators during the 2009 Green Movement, a protest movement sparked by widespread accusations of electoral fraud.
She was granted an early release in 2013.

Responding to news of Sotoudeh's sentencing, campaigners against the compulsory hijab were defiant. "By creating fear and putting people in prison or forcing them to leave the country and live in exile, or threatening them, they cannot stop the compulsory hijab protest in Iran," New York-based Iranian activist Masih Alinejad, who has previously been represented by Sotoudeh, told CNN.

In January, Sotoudeh's husband, who is also a human rights lawyer, was convicted of security-related charges and sentenced to six years in jail. He has appealed while waiting to serve his prison sentence.

(Source: CNN)

Friday, 19 October 2018

My wife faces a union minister, his 97 lawyers. It takes special courage to do that

The consequences of sexual harassment have fallen entirely on India’s women. The men must step up or step aside.

My wife Priya [Ramani] is amongst the 14 women journalists who have named union minister MJ Akbar for a range of inappropriate workplace behaviour.

I have known of her close shave with predation ever since I have known her, about 20 years. Even though, Akbar did not, in her words – which he now gratefully quotes –“do” anything, there were others who apparently suffered worse and whose experiences are now public. No one ever spoke up against powerful men because the misuse of power and authority was considered normal. There were no redressal mechanisms within media companies, no one took such complaints seriously, and the only ones who stood to lose from going up against powerful men were the women.

When women younger than her started to share traumas and experiences far worse than hers, and references grew in the media world to “the elephant in the room”, a man more powerful than others like him, my wife decided she could no longer stay quiet. She has always had a strong sense of right and wrong, black and white, and she has never lacked courage. It is one reason I married her.

Yet, it took a special kind of courage to name a powerful minister and former editor. We live a quiet, unobtrusive life far from India’s centre of power, and while she did not regard her action as taking on a minister, she was somewhat aware that anyone who set the ball rolling might become a target. That is what happened. Our quiet life has been torn asunder. Her phone rings incessantly. So does mine. Most are reporters seeking comment or television appearances – which she has always refused – some are other women who were the subject of Akbar’s attention. Those who cannot reach her try to call me. I used to answer unknown numbers; from today I will not.


Akbar has filed a case of criminal defamation against my wife. She has, whether she likes it or not, become a lightning rod. His intention is clear: To intimidate her, and through her to intimidate the others who have spoken up and silence others who have not. Criminal defamation, a strong protection afforded by the law, can sometimes be used as a tool of intimidation. A criminal defamation notice as a response to multiple allegations of sexual harassment can also be seen as a strong signal from Delhi’s political establishment that women should be made aware of their limits, and what better way to do this than target one woman. This is not Akbar vs Ramani, this is the Union of India vs Ramani. He has access to a battery of powerful lawyers: There are 97 listed in the legal notice. She has, thus far, one.
Male impunity
As the defiant, menacing reaction indicates, the culture of sexual harassment and male impunity is so ingrained, omniscient and normalised in our professional lives that India’s elected government feels it can either ignore or mock the accounts of a diverse lot of women and stand by a lie. And note that there have been no expressions of support from opposition parties because they are all complicit in maintaining the status quo. More than 70% of sexual harassment cases in India, by one estimate, are never reported.

India’s patriarchy understands what is at stake and will not give in without a bitter fight. If an Akbar is conceded, there are countless others whose careers will be in jeopardy. Sexual misconduct in India has, thus far, been regarded a part of life – to be endured, and in so doing, confirming the supremacy of the male because, of course, men must be men and a woman must know her place. So instilled is the sense of male superiority that millions of women are willing accomplices. From childhood, girls in India are discriminated against and told – by their mothers – that they are inferior to men.

India’s culture is so toxic that 52% of Indian women, polled in government-run national family health surveys – the latest released in January 2018 – said it is acceptable for a man to beat his wife (that’s higher than men, 42% of whom believed wife-beating was acceptable). Education only appears to mildly temper this belief. As more and more women flood workplaces, society is undergoing a massive reconstruction, but the problem is Indians in general, and the Indian male in particular, remain unreconstructed.

That is why, over the years, sexually harassed women have wrestled with the feeling that what was happening was not right. But, they believed, they would be laughed at if they complained; that no one would believe them; that they may lose their jobs; that nothing would happen anyway; and that their best bet was to tough it out and put up with it because that’s how just how it was.

The #metoo movement has demonstrated that sexual harassment or intimidation is not normal, and no woman should have to put up with it. There must be consequences, and what we are now seeing – in some cases – are the first results of this new realization. To head off those consequences, powerful men who represent powerful institutions will deploy their strongest weapon: Intimidation, of the kind my wife is now experiencing.

The truth
This kind of intimidation carries big benefits for small effort. We do not, for example, have institutional backing to fight the case Akbar has filed. We do not have friends in Delhi’s powerful circles of politicians, bureaucrats and lawyers. We know he has vast resources to deploy; it startled us to see how quickly he could get our home address, which is now available to anyone who seeks it.

But we do have one important weapon: The truth. We also have the conviction to stand up for what is right and just and not back down in the face of power. As more women fight for the right to a workplace free of sexual intimidation, more of them will have to speak up and stand up for their rights. This case is a detriment to that ability.

Men cannot truly know what it means to fight the battles that the women of India do. There are men who believe it is time to move beyond expressing solidarity and support, but they will still find it hard to move from being bystanders to participants. There are men that the women ranged against Akbar reached out to for support, men who witnessed his behaviour at close quarters, but not one of these men has spoken out. It is the same in other industries, such as Bollywood, where men remain within their closed, dark world, hoping normalcy will return soon.

But the normalcy of unreconstructed men will not return. The women of India will ensure it does not. It is the job of men to move from the sidelines and join the fight wholeheartedly. If they cannot, they should step aside and leave it to the women.

I was unsure how to react when my wife first named Akbar. I was admiring of her courage, of course, but I did realise that, sooner or later, I would have to become a participant, if the revolution had to be taken to its logical conclusion. But I feared the costs. I feared the end of our small, quiet life and uncontroversial existence. I feared – and still fear – the effect such a battle could have on our small family. I feared having to step out and step up. That fear must now end.

Samar Halarnkar is the editor of IndiaSpend, a data-driven, public interest journalism non-profit.

(Source: Scroll)

Monday, 28 May 2018

New York parents sue 30-year-old son who refuses to move out

The parents of a 30-year-old man have resorted to drastic measures in an effort to get their son to fly the coop: they are suing him.

Court documents say Michael Rotondo does not pay rent or help with chores, and has ignored his parents' offers of money to get him settled.

Despite doling out five eviction letters, Christina and Mark Rotondo say their son still refuses to move out.

Michael is arguing that legally, he was not given enough notice to leave.

Mr and Mrs Rotondo filed their case with the Onondaga County Supreme Court, near Syracuse, New York, on 7 May, after months of unsuccessfully urging their son to leave.

The would-be empty nesters' lawyer, Anthony Adorante, told Syracuse.com the couple did not know how else to get their adult son out of their house.

"We have decided that you must leave this house immediately," reads the first letter, dated 2 February, according to court filings.

The home near Syracuse, New York that is at the centre of the family dispute
When Michael ignored the letter, his parents wrote up a proper eviction notice with the help of their lawyer.

"You are hereby evicted," a 13 February notice signed by Mrs Rotondo reads.

"A legal enforcement procedure will be instituted immediately if you do not leave by 15 March 2018."

The couple then offered their son $1,100 (£819) to move out - along with some sharp commentary about his behaviour.

"There are jobs available even for those with a poor work history like you. Get one - you have to work!" they said.

By 30 March, however, it was becoming clear their son had no intention of leaving.

In April, Mr and Mrs Rotondo went to their local town court to see if they could evict their son.

But they were told that because Michael is family, they would need a Supreme Court justice to officially send him packing.

According to WABC News, Michael has called his parents' lawsuit "retaliatory" and has asked the court to toss out the request.

The Rotondo family will take their case to Supreme Court later this month - some weeks ahead of Michael's 31st birthday.

(Source: BBC)

Thursday, 24 May 2018

Why Spanish speakers in US are getting into trouble

Two high-profile incidents of Spanish speakers being challenged for not using English have raised familiar arguments over language and immigration in America.

What happened?
Ana Suda and Mimi Hernandez were queuing inside a petrol station in rural Montana when a Border Patrol agent demanded to see their identification.

The two US citizens were told they had been stopped because they were speaking Spanish in a "predominantly English-speaking state".


In a video of the 16 May incident, Ms Suda asks the agent if he is racially profiling them.

"It has nothing to do with that," the agent replies. "Ma'am, the reason I asked you for your ID is because I came in here, and I saw that you guys are speaking Spanish, which is very unheard of up here."

The women were detained for around 35 minutes before being allowed to go. US Customs and Border Protection says it is reviewing the case.

Ms Suda told the Washington Post the incident left her feeling uncomfortable speaking her own language.

Days later, on the other side of the US in New York City, footage of a lawyer threatening Spanish-speaking staff at a restaurant lit up social media.

Local media report that the man in the video is Aaron Schlossberg,
a New York-based lawyer
In the video the man threatens to call Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), the agency responsible for deportations from the US, after hearing restaurant staff speaking to each other in Spanish.

"They should be speaking English," he says in the video. "My next call is to ICE to have each one of them kicked out of my country."

Are US immigration authorities allowed to stop people for speaking Spanish?
The US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) has a nondiscrimination policy in place that prohibits using racial and ethnic stereotypes to conduct stops or searches.

But the language remains vague over how agents actually decide to question individuals.

The agency told the BBC in an emailed statement that "agents have broad law enforcement authorities" and that "decisions to question individuals are based on a variety of factors for which Border Patrol agents are well-trained".

CBP acknowledged they are reviewing the Montana incident, but emphasised "agents are not looking for one factor, but a multitude of indicators that when put together raise a reasonable suspicion of illegal alienage."

Chris Rickerd, Policy Counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union, condemned the CBP agent's actions in Montana.

"It's outrageous for CBP to claim that a person's speaking Spanish at a convenience store can justify unequal treatment based on race or ethnicity," Mr Rickerd told the BBC.

"Border Patrol leadership must immediately and clearly condemn demanding papers from anyone for speaking Spanish," Mr Rickerd said, adding that the agent ignored the constitutional rights of the two women when he pulled them aside for speaking a foreign language.

"The heavy burden is on CBP to explain the agent's own words that he relied on a language spoken by tens of millions of lawful residents provided just cause for demanding papers."

How many Spanish speakers are there in the US?
The US is home to 41m native Spanish speakers, according to census data - that's 13% of the population.

And with another nearly 12 million bilingual Spanish speakers, the US is the second largest Spanish-speaking country in the world, ahead of Spain itself.


The number of native Spanish speakers has more than doubled since 1990, and if current trends continue, the US could even overtake Mexico in the decades to come.

Even among non-Hispanics, Spanish is America's most spoken foreign language.

While 1.9m New Yorkers speak Spanish at home, the Border Patrol agent in Montana was right about Spanish being relatively unheard in his state - the latest census data from 2011 shows only 13,000 residents (1.4%) of the population speak the language.

Is English the official language of the US?
English is the language of the US government, businesses, and many aspects of day-to-day life across the country.

But although more than 30 states have made it their official language, that is not the case federally.

In 1981 and 2006 US senators tried and failed to introduce an amendment to make English America's official language.

And while the US is becoming more overtly multilingual, the data shows English is safe.

In fact, according to a Pew Research Center study, children of Spanish-speaking immigrants are far more likely to lose their Spanish in the process of picking up English.

Are these incidents a new phenomenon?
No. The debate over what language Americans should speak has raged throughout the nation's history, particularly as the US expanded West in the 19th Century and immigrants arrived from around the world.

But the rise of smart phones and social media have made confrontations, whether with the authorities or a stranger, easier to record and report.

Anti-Hispanic incidents have made up around half of all reported ethnic-bias hate crimes since 2004, according to FBI data.

The debate over immigration and language has only intensified under President Donald Trump whose tough stance on undocumented migrants was at the heart of his successful election campaign in 2016.

(Source: BBC)

Thursday, 17 May 2018

When ‘Japanese only’ rules were OK, and other odd Supreme Court cases

Yes, reading about the court’s orotund rulings can be a tough slog, even for us professionals. But if you spend enough time sifting through the gravel pits of grandiloquent legalese you find the occasional gem, writes Colin P.A. Jones, a professor at Doshisha Law School in Kyoto, on the JT. Read on: 

Did that headline grab you? I hope so. Because we really need to clickbait more of our online readers. How else are we supposed to get them to digest and discuss an article about Japanese Supreme Court cases?

Yes, reading about the court’s orotund rulings can be a tough slog, even for us professionals. But if you spend enough time sifting through the gravel pits of grandiloquent legalese you find the occasional gem. Today’s column will introduce some quirky things Japan’s top court has decided (including the case in the shameless teaser headline).

The case of the cat corpse and the night soil
First, my personal favorite: In 1992 the court had to decide whether putting a dead cat painted red in a fire chief’s desk drawer and dog feces in his coat pocket, “thereby hindering his ability to receive reports from his subordinate officials or perform the duty to decide various matters scheduled in the morning on that day,” constituted “force” for purposes of banging up the joker who did it for the crime of “forcible obstruction of business.” Of course, it did: conviction upheld. Nice that they made that clear, though.

Stretching the letter of the law
Reading criminal cases makes you numb to the reliability with which Japanese courts find a way to arrive at a conviction or uphold one on appeal. Occasionally, though, a judge takes a stand for justice, the presumption of innocence and clarity of law.

This involves some effort. Supreme Court judgments are researched and initially drafted by subordinate research judges staffed to the court. Judges who want to write their own dissenting or concurring opinions, however, are on their own. Some former top jurists even report having their proposed separate opinions disdainfully returned by researchers, full of red-lining.

This is why it seems bizarre to see, in a case from Nov. 20, 2008, Judge Mutsuo Tahara writing an extended dissent from a judgment affirming the conviction of a man for the obscene act of “stalking a female customer at a shopping building and taking photographs of her buttocks in trousers with his cellular phone.” Available in all its glory on the court’s English website, his dissent includes a phrase rarely seen in Supreme Court jurisprudence: “I will examine the act of ‘looking at’ another person’s ‘buttocks,’ which precedes the act of taking a photograph of the same.”

Accepting that it “is true that the act of ‘looking at another person’s buttocks’ can be judged to be ‘obscene’ if it means ‘looking at’ the buttocks while putting one’s face close to them,” Takahara goes on to explain why simply taking bum snaps from a respectable distance does not constitute “obscenity.”

To be fair, police overreach through strained interpretation of the law is a problem everywhere. But it’s still odd to see this particular case being chosen as the place to draw that line.

In a similar vein, in 1978 the court took a stand against City Hall. A municipal authority had sought to shut down a “soapland” quasi-brothel by approving the construction of a playground nearby, which would then make operation of the soapland illegal (because … the children!). The court found this to be a tortious abuse of government power and the aggrieved plaintiff to be entitled to damages.

Abuse of power was also at issue in a 2002 case in which the court actually invalidated a village mayoral election. The incumbent mayor had used the powers of the office to prevent the town hall from issuing to a challenger a family registry extract, one of the documents required to apply to stand for election. Running unopposed, the incumbent won until the courts decided a do-over was required.

When doubt is unreasonable
A 2007 criminal case is sometimes cited for guidance as to what the “beyond a reasonable doubt” evidentiary standard for criminal convictions means. A man going through a messy divorce “made an explosive by connecting a considerable quantity of (chemicals) … with a detonating device consisting of an ignition heater, battery, etc., and putting it into a file case, and then putting this case into a nonstandard-size postal envelope.” He then mailed this to his mother-in-law.

Where justice rules?: The Supreme Court of Japan's gray exterior belies some of the quirky cases that have been heard within its walls. | VIA WIKIMEDIA COMMONS, CC BY-SA 3.0
The murder attempt failed and the man was caught and convicted. The Supreme Court’s opinion shows the fine level of detail Japanese courts (usually lower ones) feel necessary to put in their judgments. A week before the parcel was delivered, the man had “by using the computer situated at his residence, accessed and browsed internet websites that provide information on the methods for producing explosive substances … and methods for making detonating devices” and “purchased acetone and other chemicals … in the quantity that seems to have been used to produce the explosive.” There is also a long description of the stamps used, the color printer on which the address label had been printed, the postbox into which the package was dropped and so on. It almost reads as a manual on how not to send a letter bomb.

The appeal was grounded in the conviction being based only on circumstantial evidence, there having been no confession. Conceding the accused had in fact purchased the chemicals, his lawyer argued it had been used for other things. Also, it was possible that he didn’t purchase at least 10 of the 24 stamps used. And so forth.

The court wasn’t having it, declaring that the “beyond a reasonable doubt” standard did not mean that judges could not convict in the face of the possible existence of abstract alternatives or contrary facts.

He was asking for it, guv
The courts are more forgiving of police when they stray from the righteous path. In a 1997 case, the police had executed a search warrant on a residence and found illegal drugs. When presented with evidence of his guilt, the occupant said “Sonna aho na” (“That’s ridiculous”), which earned him a sound beating.

Considering whether the drugs should be excluded as evidence, the court acknowledged that “although the illegal acts by the police officials were committed at the scene of search, the violence occurred after the article of evidence was discovered and it was induced by the accused’s remarks.” Conviction upheld; apparently the beating was his fault too.

Guilty no matter what
A classic is the 1948 case where the court first ruled on the constitutionality of the death penalty. In a judgment containing the memorable phrase “the life of a single person is heavier than the Earth,” the court nonetheless upheld the appellant’s death sentence. At the time, the U.S. Occupation authorities were preparing to hang Hideki Tojo and other former Japanese leaders for war crimes, so any other conclusion would probably have been inconvenient.

A 1996 case affirmed a conviction for violating a proscription on the capture (hokaku) of birds using a bow and arrow (yumiya). The offender had used a “Western-style bow” (crossbow or yōkyūjū). As a former Dungeons & Dragons aficionada, I was disappointed by the lack of discussion into whether a crossbow was the same as a Japanese longbow. Instead, the court focused on whether you could still be guilty of “capturing” a bird if your arrow (I know, “bolt”) missed. Of course you could: conviction affirmed.

The court has been more discriminating when it comes to swords. Japan not only has famously stringent gun control, but tight sword control also. How tight? In a 1996 case, the court considered an appeal over a conviction for having a “cutting tool … for use at a traditional ritual of cutting food.” The court didn’t care that it was just a big cooking knife rather than a sword: conviction upheld.

Not all swords are created equal
The real discrimination came in the headline case, a 1990 case under the same law, which contains an exception allowing possession of swords (tōkenrui) that have cultural or artistic value and are registered with the authorities. The implementing regulations, however, only recognize Japanese swords (Nihontō) as eligible for registration.

The case was brought by someone seeking to register a Western saber. In a surprisingly long judgment (seven pages including a dissenting opinion) the Supreme Court declined to expand the exception to grubby Western swords. It explained that, after Japan’s defeat in World War II, Occupation authorities had sought to disarm the Japanese people completely. But the Japanese government had been able to wheedle an exception based on the aesthetic worth of Japanese swords, which are made using unique techniques that entitle them to special treatment as cultural artifacts in a way other swords are not. Two of the five judges dissented because the law itself clearly applied to all swords and the more restrictive implementing regulations should thus be invalid.

Forcing a confession
Finally, there is the only interesting civil case I have come across, a 2001 appellate judgment in a tort case brought by the developer of game software against a vendor of game-mod (modification) devices.

The software at issue was “a love simulation game in which the main character … becomes a student of a fictitious high school, selects his favorite schoolgirl from among the characters in the game and, with the aim of receiving a confession of love from this schoolgirl on the graduation day, steps up efforts through studying, incidents, events, etc., he experiences during three years, to develop his capabilities that deserve to receive a confession of love from his favorite schoolgirl. … The story is supposed to unfold based on the assumption that no schoolgirls appear until the values of the apparent parameters reach a certain level.”

The heinous game-mod devices ruined this wholesome game by making some schoolgirls appear prematurely and enabling players to skip straight to graduation and unfailingly reach “a level that is necessary to receive a confession of love from the player’s favorite schoolgirl.” Judgment for plaintiff upheld — without any creepy dissents. Who says there is no justice?

Wednesday, 8 March 2017

An eminent divorce lawyer reveals what it’s like to work in madly sexist courts

On one occasion, a judge told divorce lawyer and advocate Malavika Rajkotia that lawyers are the ones often responsible for delaying divorce litigation and settlements. That annoyed her enough to begin writing an open letter to Delhi High Court’s Chief Justice, which defended family lawyers and explained that getting people to agree on finance and parenting matters is far trickier than it might appear in court.

Malavika Rajkotia
The letter eventually grew into a book: the recently published Intimacy Undone: Marraige, Divorce, and Family Law in India explores the history of divorce law and sexism within the courts, while also busting myths around issues like the misuse of gender-specific laws, maintenance, alimony, and privacy.

Here are some interesting bits from her book.

At one point, Rajkotia tells us how the poet Milton ranted against the clergy and got divorce to be allowed in cases of  infidelity and abandonment, but a little after him, a woman fought the courts for other legislative reforms:

The next call for reform was by a woman, to create rights where there were none. Caroline Norton left her husband, George Chappel Norton, in 1836 and subsisted on her earnings as a writer. Mr Norton claimed for himself the money earned by his wife, as under English law, she had no right to any independent property. Mrs Norton had her revenge by running up huge bills to be paid by her husband. Mr Norton then mounted a case against the then Prime Minister, Lord Melbourne, for ‘criminal conversation’ or ‘crim con’ with his wife. The trial nearly brought down the government but eventually the jury threw Mr Norton’s case out […] Having lost everything, Caroline Norton fought desperately and obtained three legislative reforms: the Matrimonial Causes Act 1857, the Married Women’s Property Act 1870 and the Custody of Infants Act 1839.4 The first of these allowed for divorce on the ground of adultery for a husband, while for a wife, it required adultery combined with other offenses such as incest, cruelty, bigamy or desertion. In 1857, adultery as a criminal offense (crim. con.) in England was also removed from the statute books.

Rajkotia recounts how judges just couldn’t get used to using the phrase ‘milady’ to address the first woman judge:

The following story makes apparent the discomfort of the legal fraternity in dealing with women as equals. The Delhi High Court got its first woman judge, Justice Leila Seth in 1991. Because of its traditional context of sexual ownership, many lawyers could not bring themselves  to address her as ‘milady’. Judges too did not understand it entirely. A barrister friend of mine addressed the judge as milady. ‘She is not your lady’, glowered the robust Punjabi brother judge sitting with her on the bench. ‘She is as much my lady as milord is my lord,’ my friend responded with admirable élan. On the other hand, at the time of writing this, there is a judge in the Supreme Court who does not like to be called ‘milady’ because it is she who chooses to limit its meaning to the sexual context.

One of the most annoying reactions to a woman wanting to divorce her husband, recalled in the book:

Hearing an appeal by the husband against the family court’s dismissal of his divorce plea, a division bench judge of the Bombay High Court asked the wife why she could not live with her husband, ‘You should go to him. When Sita could join Ram in vanvas, then why can’t you go?’

(Source: The Ladies Finger)