Showing posts with label prison. Show all posts
Showing posts with label prison. Show all posts

Tuesday, 26 May 2020

Rwanda to release 50 women jailed for having abortions

Activists welcome pardons, but call for relaxation of abortion laws and an end to punitive measures such as life sentences

Rwanda is to release 50 women who were jailed for having abortions after a personal pardon was issued by the country’s president, Paul Kagame.

Human rights activists welcomed the pending release of the women, six of whom had been given life sentences – the highest penalty available to the courts – two serving 25 years and the others terms ranging from 12 months to 20 years.

“It is a positive step,” said Tom Mulisa, executive director for the Great Lakes Initiative for Human Rights and Development (GLIHD).

Dr Agnes Odhiambo of Human Rights Watch in Kenya, said they should never have been jailed. “While this is a good move, women and girls should never, in the first place, be imprisoned for exercising their reproductive rights. The government of Rwanda should remove punitive measures for women who undergo abortions.”
A woman walks past a Rwandan flag at a polling station. The county revised its penal code in 2018, restricting abortion to a narrow set of circumstances. Photograph: James Akena/Reuters

Rwanda revised its penal code in 2018, allowing abortion strictly only for cases of minors, rape, forced marriage, incest and instances where the pregnancy poses a health risk.

Odhiambo said that sends the wrong message: that women have to undergo certain abuses for them to exercise their reproductive rights.

Even where a termination is allowed, it must be carried out by a doctor, an issue in a country where medical professionals are in short supply. “The condition that allows only a ‘recognised medical doctor’ to perform abortions threatens to make safe abortions almost impossible for many women and girls to access, particularly those who are poor, illiterate and from rural areas,” she said. 

“Studies have shown that trained nurses and midwives are as capable as doctors in providing safe abortion care.”

Figures from 2016 by Rwanda Medical and Dental Council show the country has one doctor per 10,055 people, and one midwife for every 4,064 women aged 15 to 49.

Dr Afrodis Kagaba, the executive director of Health Integrated Development, said the more difficult abortion was to access, the more people are pushed towards unsafe solutions. “Nurses and midwives can safely conduct abortion operations as they normally help more than 80% of women to give birth. Nothing can stop a woman who has decided to abort. The law is good, but as we know, around 40% of hospitals are owned by religious bodies, and they cannot offer the service due to their beliefs. Also, healthcare providers are yet to understand the law, they require evidences that are no longer necessary,” he said.

The use of law enforcement in arresting women means they are less likely to seek medical help after an unsafe abortion.

“In some cases, girls or women can be handcuffed or arrested and this brings fear in others. Therefore, doctors lack enough evidence, it is not easy for a girl or a woman to prove that she has been raped,” said Dr Frank Habineza, a member of parliament for the Democratic Green party of Rwanda.

Mulisa said that more than the narrow specified circumstances permitting abortion should legally be supported. “This point, when the pregnancy puts at risk the health of the pregnant person or of the foetus. As defined by the World Health Organization, health is a state of complete physical, mental and social wellbeing and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity. Many people do not understand what it means. There are many reasons that can affect the social wellbeing,” he said.

A 2015 study, by reproductive rights group Ipas and GLIHD, found that legal barriers, and cultural and religious stigma make it nearly impossible for women to get a safe, legal abortion in Rwanda, leaving the vast majority forced to resort to unsafe procedures that break the law. The Guttmacher Institute report of 2013 estimates that approximately 60,000 abortions occur in Rwanda each year and 22% of unintended pregnancies end in abortion.

The latest figures available show there were 227 women jailed for abortion in 2014. Its not clear how many remain in prison.

(Source: The Guardian)

Friday, 8 May 2020

Fears rise Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe may be returned to Iran jail

Concern over British-Iranian dual-national after another prisoner ordered back to prison

The husband of the British-Iranian dual-national Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe says he fears his wife may be returned to jail in Iran in the next few weeks after another prominent prisoner was ordered back behind bars.

Aras Amiri, a UK-based Iranian national and former British Council employee, was ordered back to jail at the weekend after being furloughed on 9 April.

Nearly half of Iran’s political or security prisoners were released as part of a wider prisoner release programme implemented amid fears Covid-19 was about to sweep through Iran’s jails.

Zaghari-Ratcliffe has been staying at her parents’ home in Tehran since the middle of March, when she was released and made to wear an electronic tag.
Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe following her release from prison in March. Photograph: Free Nazanin campaign/AFP via Getty Images
Her husband, Richard Ratcliffe, said: “Our thoughts are with Aras and her family. Walking back into prison is no easy thing. For Nazanin’s case, I am interpreting Aras Amiri’s return as a bad sign, that the wind is threatening to change. Others are also being summoned.

“I take it as a signal to the UK that patience is not infinite, and that we all continue to be in their chess game. I have asked the Foreign Office for the UK ambassador in Tehran to go and visit Nazanin, for the added diplomatic protection, and the signal that the government is not afraid even in Iran to stand publicly by its citizens.”

Another British-Iranian, Anoosheh Ashoori, has been kept in jail on the basis he was serving a longer sentence, even though at the age of 66 he was more vulnerable to the disease than younger prisoners serving shorter sentences.

Zaghari-Ratcliffe’s daughter is in London, and the family have been in daily contact via Skype.

Zaghari-Ratcliffe, who has more than a year to serve of a five-year sentence imposed in 2016, has not been granted clemency as her family hoped. Some signals have been sent about Iran’s ministry of foreign affairs seeking a prisoner swap, mainly for US prisoners, on the basis that imprisoned Iranians in US jails were at risk from Covid-19. but nothing substantive has occurred. The most likely time for a mass enforced return to jails will be after the end of Ramadan in less than a fortnight.

Tensions between Iran and the west have risen again with the US threatening to find a way to prevent a five-year arms embargo on Iran expiring in October, as stipulated in the original 2015 nuclear deal. The US is claiming it is still legally a party to the nuclear deal it signed in 2015, even though Donald Trump withdrew in 2018. By being party to the deal, the US can call for the reimposition of sanctions against Iran that existed before 2015.

Majid Takht-e-Ranchi, Iran’s ambassador to the United Nations, told Etemad newspaper the US position was a joke, but the US move places diplomatic pressure on the UK, France and Germany, the three European signatories to the deal.

(Source: The Guardian)

Thursday, 23 April 2020

Prisoners in Japan produce masks and protective gear amid virus crisis

To aid society in the fight against COVID-19, prisoners have been set to work turning out cloth masks and protective gear, to help overcome shortages, instead of the leatherware and carpentry goods they usually make.

A total of around 100 inmates at prisons in Aomori, Kyoto, Osaka, Kakogawa, Yamaguchi, Iwakuni and Takamatsu are aiming to produce 66,000 masks each month, to meet orders received from the private sector in March.

Protective gear, which is in short supply on medical front lines, is being produced at prisons in Kyoto and Osaka, with around 4,600 sets to be dispatched monthly.

Prisoners in Tsukigata in northern Hokkaido as well as in Yokohama are also preparing to join in with production.
A female inmate sews face masks at Mine Rehabilitation Program Center in Mine, Yamaguchi Prefecture, on April 2. Her face has been pixelated for privacy reasons. | JUSTICE MINISTRY / VIA KYODO

At the Mine Rehabilitation Program Center in Yamaguchi Prefecture, which houses first-time offenders, eight inmates have made around 1,800 cloth masks in total following a request from the city of Mine in late March.

They were delivered to children in the city last week when the first term opening ceremonies were held at elementary and junior high schools. Parents expressed gratitude for receiving them at a time when the country is experiencing mask shortages.

The center, which is the first penal institution in the nation to be run through public-private cooperation, is planning to produce 4,300 more cloth masks and offer them to the elderly by the end of April.
As prisoner activities at these facilities include sewing, companies that had previously outsourced apron production to the prisons placed orders for masks in anticipation of shortages of the protective items.

From March, the facilities have been making white gauze and colorful cloth masks.
Taking notice of the initiative, the industry ministry placed an order with the prisons for sewn protective medical gowns, called isolation gowns, earlier this month.

Due to textile shortages, however, details including the prisons to be engaged in production of the special gowns and the number of such gowns to be made at each facility have not been decided.
“Production of protective items will raise awareness about social contributions by inmates, and have the effect of keeping them from re-offending,” said a senior Justice Ministry official.

(Source: JT)

Monday, 6 April 2020

Coronavirus: Low-risk prisoners set for early release

Up to 4,000 prisoners in England and Wales are to be released in an effort to control the spread of coronavirus, the Ministry of Justice has said.

Inmates with two months or less still to serve will be released on temporary licence in stages.

The selected low-risk offenders will be electronically tagged and can be recalled at the first sign of concern.

It is seen as a way to avoid thousands of prisoners - many of whom share cells - becoming infected.
Across 29 jails, 88 prisoners have tested positive for the virus with a further 1,200 believed to be self-isolating.

Sex offenders and those convicted of violent or sexual offences, as well as anyone who is a national security concern or a danger to children, will not be considered for release, the Prison Service said.

No inmate convicted of Covid-19-related offences - including coughing at emergency workers or stealing personal protective equipment - will be eligible either, said the Ministry of Justice (MoJ).

Lord Chancellor and Justice Secretary Robert Buckland QC said: "This government is committed to ensuring that justice is served to those who break the law.

"But this is an unprecedented situation because if coronavirus takes hold in our prisons, the NHS could be overwhelmed and more lives put at risk."

The MoJ also said no prisoners with symptoms of coronavirus would be released, nor would those who do not have housing and health support in place.

Mr Buckland previously announced that pregnant inmates could be granted temporary release to protect them and their unborn children from coronavirus.

Mothers behind bars with their children who pass the same checks could also be released, he said.

The legislation for the measures is expected to be put in place on Monday.

The prisons union welcomed the news but raised concerns over staff pressure.

About 8,000 prison staff have been absent due to issues related to Covid-19, around a quarter of the total workforce.

Ian Lawrence, general secretary of trade union Napo, said its members working in the National Probation Service and in community rehabilitation companies were "already over-stretched".

"Probation providers must work to ensure this new cohort can be supervised safely and not cause additional operational pressure and stress to the workforce," he added.

In Northern Ireland, up to 200 offenders are being let out early and the Scottish government is considering similar measures.

France has also announced plans to release 5,000 prisoners early, along with 3,500 in the US state of California.

Australia, Germany, and Canada have already given the go-ahead for the early release of prisoners.

Analysis by Danny Shaw, Home Affairs correspondent
This is the last thing Boris Johnson's government ever wanted to do.

In their general election manifesto, the Conservatives promised criminals would be "kept off our streets". Since then, a series of measures have been announced to ensure those convicted of the most serious crimes - including terrorism - stay behind bars for longer.

So an emergency early release scheme, which means that almost 5% of the prison population of England and Wales will be let out before they've even reached the halfway point of their sentence, was not an easy decision for Number 10 to make.

More politically palatable options were considered, such as transferring prisoners to army bases and immigration removal centres, but they are fraught with practical difficulties.

The danger for the government of this scheme - the largest since 80,000 offenders were let out early as part of Labour's End of Custody Licence programme between 2007 and 2010 - is that some of those released will commit further, possibly horrendous, crimes.

Ultimately, ministers decided the alternative - infected prisoners overwhelming hospitals - was even worse.


(Source: BBC)

Saturday, 28 December 2019

British-Australian woman starts hunger strike in notorious Iranian jail

Cambridge graduate refusing food and water after appeal over 10-year sentence rejected 


A British-Australian academic being held in jail in Iran has gone on hunger strike after an appeal against her sentence failed.

Kylie Moore-Gilbert has been behind bars in Iran’s most notorious prison for more than a year, after being sentenced to 10 years on spying charges, which she vehemently denies.

The university lecturer, together with Fariba Adelkhah, a French-Iranian researcher, started refusing food and water on Christmas Eve, both protesting their innocence.

The Evin prison in Tehran, where they are being held, has a reputation for brutal treatment of inmates, including mock executions, beatings and psychological torture.
Ms Moore-Gilbert: 'The Revolutionary Guard have imprisoned me in these terrible conditions to extort me both personally and my government' ( PA )


The US-based Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI) said the women were in a ward run by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard, where British-Iranian charity worker Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe has also been detained.

Like at least nine other foreigners jailed in Iran, the women claim they are being held on trumped-up charges, the group says. In an open letter, the pair state that they have been subjected to psychological torture and human-rights violations.

Ms Moore-Gilbert, a Cambridge graduate and lecturer in Islamic studies at the University of Melbourne, has written about revolutions and activism in the Middle East. 

Her appeal against her 10-year sentence – a common term for spying – failed last week.

She has been kept in solitary confinement for much of her time.

A letter from the pair, according to CHRI, read: “We are striking not only to demand our immediate freedom, but to ask for justice for the countless, thousands, unnamed yet not forgotten men and women who have suffered the same fate as ours or worse, and have been imprisoned in Iran, having committed no crime.

“This Christmas Eve, we ask you to join us for one day in foregoing food and water to express solidarity with us, while we will continue our strike beyond Christmas.

“We hope we will be celebrating with you in more than spirit this time next year.

“Thank you for your support. It means the world to us and gives us the strength to keep fighting.”

In June, Ms Moore-Gilbert pleaded with Scott Morrison, the Australian prime minister, for help to secure her release.

According to CHRI, she wrote: “The Revolutionary Guard have imprisoned me in these terrible conditions for over nine months in order to extort me both personally and my government.

“They have also attempted to use me as a hostage in a diabolical plot to lure my husband, an Australian permanent resident (and soon to be now citizen) into joining me in an Iranian prison.

“There is no hope for a fair trial. Indeed a guilty verdict has been predetermined in a legal system wholly controlled by the Revolutionary Guards. I came to Iran as an academic researcher and consider myself a political prisoner.”

Trials in Iran’s secretive legal system are often criticised for lack of evidence and not meeting basic standards of due process.

In October, two Australian bloggers, Jolie King and Mark Firkin were released from the prison after several months of detention for reportedly flying a drone without a permit.


(Source: Independent)

Saturday, 7 December 2019

A woman interviewed 100 convicted rapists in India. This is what she learned

In India, many consider them “monsters.”

Madhumita Pandey was only 22 when she first went to Tihar Jail in New Delhi to meet and interview convicted rapists in India. Over the past three years, she has interviewed 100 of them for her doctoral thesis at the criminology department of Anglia Ruskin University in the United Kingdom.

It all started in 2013, first as a pilot project, months after the highly publicized gang rape and murder of a woman now known as “Nirbhaya” meaning “Fearless One.” The details of the case — a young, aspirational medical student who was attacked on the way home with a friend after watching the movie “Life of Pi” — struck a chord in India, where according to the National Crime Records Bureau, 34,651 women reported being raped in 2015, the most recent year on record.

Nirbhaya brought thousands of Indians to the streets to protest the widespread culture of rape and violence against women in 2012. That year, gender specialists ranked India the worst place among G-20 countries to be a woman, worse even than Saudi Arabia where women have to live under the supervision of a male guardian.

“Everyone was thinking the same thing,” said Pandey, who at the time was on the other side of the world, in England, finishing off her master’s. “Why do these men do what they do? We think of them as monsters, we think no human being could do something like that.”
Madhumita Pandey, 26, has interviewed 100 convicted rapists in India. (Madhumita Pandey)

The protests forced a national conversation about rape, a topic which still carries huge stigma in India. Pandey, who grew up in New Delhi, and saw her city in a new light after the Nirbhaya case, said: “I thought, what prompts these men? What are the circumstances which produce men like this? I thought, ask the source.”

Since then, she has spent weeks talking to rapists in Delhi’s Tihar Jail. Most of the men she met there were uneducated, only a handful had graduated high school. Many were third- or fourth-grade dropouts. “When I went to research, I was convinced these men are monsters. But when you talk to them, you realize these are not extraordinary men, they are really ordinary. What they’ve done is because of upbringing and thought process.”

In Indian households, even in more educated families, women are often bound to traditional roles, Pandey said. Many women won’t even use their husbands’ first names, she pointed out. “As an experiment, I phoned a few friends and asked: what does your mom call your dad? The answers I got were things like ‘are you listening,’ ‘listen,’ or ‘father of Ronak’ (the child’s name).’”

“Men are learning to have false ideas about masculinity, and women are also learning to be submissive. It is happening in the same household, Pandey said. “Everyone’s out to make it look like there’s something inherently wrong with [rapists]. But they are a part of our own society. They are not aliens who’ve been brought in from another world.”

Pandey said that hearing some of the rapists talk reminded her of commonly held beliefs that were often parroted even in her own household. “After you speak to [the rapists], it shocks you — these men have the power to make you feel sorry for them. As a woman that’s not how you expect to feel. I would almost forget that these men have been convicted of raping a woman. In my experience a lot of these men don’t realize that what they've done is rape. They don't understand what consent is.”

“Then you ask yourself, is it just these men? Or is the vast majority of men?” she said.

In India, social attitudes are highly conservative. Sex education is left out of most school curriculums; legislators feel such topics could “corrupt” youth and offend traditional values. “Parents won't even say the words like penis, vagina, rape or sex. If they can't get over that, how can they educate young boys?” Pandey asked.

In the interviews, many men made excuses or gave justifications for their actions. Many denied rape happened at all. “There were only three or four who said we are repenting. Others had found a way to put their actions into some justification, neutralize, or blame action onto the victim.”

One case in particular, participant 49, sent Pandey on an unexpected journey. He expressed remorse for raping a 5-year-old girl. “He said ‘yes I feel bad, I ruined her life.’ Now she is no longer a virgin, no one would marry her. Then he said, ‘I would accept her, I will marry her when I come out of jail.’”

The response shocked Pandey so much that she felt compelled to find out about the victim. The man had revealed details of the girl’s whereabouts in the interview. When she found the girl's mother, she learned that the family had not even been told that their daughter’s rapist was in jail.

Pandey hopes to publish her research in the coming months but said she faces hostility for her work. “They think, here comes another feminist. They assume a woman doing research like this will misrepresent men’s ideas. Where do you begin with someone like that?” she said.

(Source: WP)

Wednesday, 4 December 2019

I was detained in the UAE. I learned that Britain puts trade before its citizens

I was held for seven months in horrific conditions. Like other imprisoned Britons, I received little Foreign Office support

One year ago today, I was released from the windowless room in an office block in the United Arab Emirates where I had been held for nearly seven months. My detention at the hands of the UAE security services was horrific. For the first six weeks, I was interrogated, denied access to a lawyer and denied appropriate consular assistance.

They kept me mainly in solitary confinement and fed me a cocktail of drugs that I then became dependent on. Even now, I’m still weaning myself off them as well as having to take medication to treat my resulting PTSD and anxiety. I endured repeated aggressive interrogations and was eventually given a life sentence after being forced to sign a false confession.

At the same time, and without me knowing, my story was making headlines all over the world, thanks to the efforts of my wife, who didn’t stop fighting for my freedom. One year later, I’m still trying to make sense of what happened. I don’t know if the UK learned anything; I certainly don’t think the UAE did.
 ‘My wife didn’t stop fighting for my freedom.’ Matthew Hedges with his wife Daniela Tejada, who campaigned for his release. Photograph: Daniela Tejada/PA
My case, unfortunately, is not unique. Many other visitors to the UAE have experienced first-hand the country’s incoherent and vindictive laws. Take Ali Issa Ahmad, another British citizen, who went to the UAE for a holiday and attended an Asian Cup football match while there earlier this year. After a game between Qatar and Iraq, he was seen sporting a Qatar football shirt: he was arrested, beaten and interrogated before being imprisoned for several days without food or water. Or Laleh Shahravesh, who was arrested and threatened with two years in jail for posting something on Facebook against her ex-husband’s new wife. The liberal, “tolerant” oasis, as the UAE promotes itself, is a sham and entirely subject to the whims of those who make and implement the law.

This pretend justice system, where laws change regularly or are so broadly written that they could be misunderstood in myriad ways, is even worse for its own citizens. And yet despite supposedly being protected by our passports as UK citizens, when you find yourself in solitary confinement, presented with completely false accusations, you realize your passport means very little. It took the British government two foreign secretaries, one of whom is now prime minister, and immense media pressure to get me out of detention. This is not a system that works.

My wife was told by Foreign Office staff that they had no duty of care towards me. Instead, like other high-profile cases such as those of Jamie Harron, Billy Barclay, and Ellie Holman – all British residents who were also imprisoned in the UAE – it was public campaigning efforts that set our release in motion. These campaigns put pressure on both the British and Emirati governments and threatened Dubai’s reputation as a tourist and business destination. Bad publicity, it seems, is a stronger force than any diplomatic or human rights enforcement mechanism.

The Foreign Office will always say it did exactly what it was supposed to do, that it followed the appropriate steps. Perhaps its staff might have done what its narrow rules dictate, but what happens when those rules fall far short of what’s required to protect citizens? Wanting to improve the system is something that should be admired, and I wish the Foreign Office would engage with me on this. The path it has chosen, however, is not to do anything at all. It has refused entirely to help me clear my name.

Despite submitting a freedom of information request for the Foreign Office to provide access to all the data relating to its handling of my case, it has refused to share the key details with me and my lawyers, so we can find out what actually happened. All I can go back to is the seven months when I fluctuated between being depressed, desperate and, in my worst moments, suicidal. At the time it certainly didn’t feel like enough was being done to get me released when I was in clear danger.

I worry that because the UAE is Britain’s largest export market in the Middle East, this commercial relationship takes priority over protecting citizens and upholding human rights. Earlier this year the UK government hosted a trade delegation from the UAE to expand these ties even further. So, one year on, we seem to have gone back to “business as usual” – with British universities such as Birmingham wanting to open campuses in Dubai, despite knowing full well the problems that academics face there and despite a significant outcry from university staff.

After my release, I met the then foreign secretary, Jeremy Hunt, and he promised reform at the Foreign Office. He is no longer in charge, and there is no sign that anything has been done to improve procedures for assisting British citizens imprisoned either in the UAE or elsewhere. Too often, we have put commercial or political interests above human rights and the rights of our citizens. This has to end: this inaction empowers despots and degrades our national reputation, both at home and abroad.

• Matthew Hedges is a PhD candidate at Durham University. He was held in detention in the UAE from May to November 2018

(Soirce: The Guardian)

Tuesday, 6 August 2019

Eldorado, Illinois

I am in a barn-red house on a hill. In my room there is a bookshelf, a desk for me to write at, a soft bed covered by a blue quilt, a wooden crucifix on the wall that opens to reveal the items necessary for administering last rites. Where I am now, there are peacocks, a rust-colored mule named Lulu, and hundred-foot-tall pine trees. Where I am now, I have my own bedroom.

Here are some of the places I slept last year: Under a bush in front of a high school in Evansville, Indiana. In the stairwell of an apartment building in St. Louis, Missouri. In a car-wash stall in Kentucky. In an open field behind a McDonald’s in Illinois. In a booth at that same McDonald’s. In a laundromat. In the backseat of an abandoned car. In a stranger’s garage. In a chair at the public library. In a toolshed. In a burned-out mobile home. In a drug dealer’s backyard. On a drug dealer’s living room floor. On a drug dealer’s couch. In a drug dealer’s bed. On more than one occasion I’ve woken up on a total stranger’s front porch with no memory of how I got there.

Last year, I was arrested three times for possession of methamphetamine, charged each time with having a single loaded syringe in my pocket. In Illinois, any paraphernalia containing residue of a controlled substance is considered possession, a Class III felony, carrying a sentence of two to five years in prison. The last time I was arrested I spent over six months in jail before my grandmother agreed to post bond. The rest of my family would hardly speak to me. I have yet to be tried.

Nine years ago, I had just finished a master’s degree in writing at Washington University in St. Louis, was awarded a postgraduate fellowship, and had my very first short story published in Granta magazine. It was the tale of a young addict jailed on drug charges, titled “Here Is What You Do.” When I wrote the story, I had never been to jail. I had never injected drugs. I was clean, working as a college instructor, taking care of my son, spending a few hours every day working on other stories I wanted to include in the manuscript I was about to send to agents.

I grew up queer and Pentecostal, loving Dolly Parton and the public library, in the housing projects of Eldorado, Illinois, a town with a population under four thousand. At fourteen, I ran away from home. At seventeen, I met the mother of my son. I was still a teenager when he was born. I was a high school dropout with a GED, and then I was the first person in my family to go to college. My life during and after grad school was a pipe dream, an anomaly, something I’d worked unbelievably hard for but still felt I did not deserve. For the first time in my adult life, I had health insurance, was in therapy, and earned enough to survive.

Once, during my time as an undergraduate, a doctor had prescribed me hydrocodone—for pleurisy, of all things. The condition caused a stabbing pain in my right lung each time I took a breath, and I stayed on pain medication for almost a year. I had no understanding of its long-term effects, of how addictive it was or what was waiting for me when I finally stopped taking it. What I knew, above all else, was that when I took painkillers I felt good, really good. They annihilated the undulating sadness I’d been navigating since childhood. I had never felt the weight of my own depression until I had an opportunity to exist without it. But when I went on a four-day vacation with my son to Tennessee, without any pain pills, I experienced severe withdrawals for the first time. I didn’t know what was happening. I went to the ER, believing that I was having a heart attack. It was over a year before I started to feel like myself again. I spent the next decade completely sober, hardly even consuming alcohol.

Then the fellowship ended, and adjunct teaching was no longer sustainable. I had to suppress a small amount of doom before returning to my hometown. I had a few friends there, and my family. I moved into a house two blocks from my son’s mother, still one of my dearest friends, and eventually found a job teaching GED classes at the same institution where I’d received mine fifteen years earlier. At first, I felt very fortunate to teach the class. I was able to understand the dilemma of the dropout, to relate to the student whom compulsory public education had failed.

Eldorado consists of a few gas stations, a pizza parlor, a main street lined with abandoned storefronts built during the last century, a single grocery store, and sixteen churches. The town is possibly one of the most spiritually and intellectually bankrupt places on earth, and the inordinate number of religious organizations might seem ironic. But consider the ancient hunger the people here possess, a longing for a life other than the one they are living, so that each new church symbolizes another attempt in an endless reach for salvation. The largest employer in the area is the Peabody Coal Company. Research that sought to investigate uncommonly high levels of disease and cancers in Southern Illinois initially assumed a connection to mining pollution, but found instead that most people living here simply “lacked genetic diversity.” The obvious implications are slightly uncomfortable, but the most basic fact of it is: the same families have lived here forever—no one new comes in. The entire area was once a prehistoric swamp, eventually populated in the early eighteenth century by people migrating north from Appalachia.

The poverty and isolation I returned to—the working-class dystopia, the rolling swaths of lonely wilderness—at first felt like the exact kind of strange, off-kilter environment I needed to finish my book. I thought I was standing in just the right spot, calibrating fair measures of empathy and objectivity to describe what I saw. I thought it was important to say what this place looks and feels like, to draw the peculiar experience of living in a deteriorating coal town. It seemed to reveal something crucial about living and dying in America. But like most U.S. communities in the last fifty years, where industry and religion and intellectualism failed, drugs flood in to soak up the empty space. I wrote eight stories after moving home. I searched until I found the perfect agent, one with the uncanny ability to understand exactly what my aim was. He helped me revise the entire manuscript multiple times, and then he sent it out. But in the two years it took to find a publisher, I stopped observing the place where I was living and became it.

My entire life, there had been days when a sourceless sense of dread became so formidable I couldn’t leave the house. I would avoid messages from friends, or calls from my family. Usually the depression passed, lifting with the same mysterious expediency with which it had descended. I would go back to my routines, to writing, to being a parent, a friend, an employee. The thought of using again rarely, if ever, crossed my mind, until I moved back home. While my agent searched for a publisher, I thought compulsively about death. I was still working, forcing myself to behave as if I weren’t also constantly wondering what it might be like to not exist, until, leaving work one night, walking down the long flight of steps to the parking lot during an ice storm, I slipped and cracked my tailbone. A few days later I went to the doctor, who gave me Vicodin. It was the excuse I needed to slip into a total emotional blackout. In a matter of months, I was taking so many pills that I would deplete a thirty-day prescription in under a week. I maintained my habit by buying them off the street. It took no time at all before I knew at least four other people with prescriptions, all willing to sell them for cash.

In less than a year, I was shooting OxyContin, heroin, and then finally meth, because it was cheaper and opiates were no longer enough. My roommate kicked me out, and I took it as an opportunity to disappear completely. This is the part where it gets confusing, where I have to hover over myself in order to tell the story. I can’t quite ascend high enough to gain insight into my own behavior, because I’m tethered to the horror of it, and it keeps pulling me back down, into an abyss black with regret. The first time I was arrested, I was walking down the street at 3 A.M. A police officer stopped me, and assuming that I was high, searched my backpack. I bonded out. A few months later, a friend came out to her car in the morning and found me unconscious in the front seat. She called 911. The paramedics finally woke me up, but a cop was standing by to search me. I was arrested for possession again. Then once more a few months later.

There’s a timeline to this, but I can’t get it right yet. I wrote a book. I moved home. I was depressed. I started using drugs. I was arrested. I went to jail. I edited parts of that book while in jail. I’d devoted ten years of my life to writing the book, and then, just before it was about to finally arrive, this thing I had worked so hard to build, I burned my life to the foundation. Why? I wrote a book. I became addicted to meth. I was shooting meth every day. In the bathroom at Walmart. In the bathroom at McDonald’s. In a parked car on a gravel road. In a dozen motel rooms with people I hardly knew. In vacant lots. In abandoned buildings. In strange living rooms in towns I’d never been to before. I was arrested three times in under a year, cut off entirely from all my friends and family, my own son, the people I loved most in the world, and I still just kept shooting meth.

When I was high I thought obsessively about time dilation, as if I were always on the verge of visualizing some aspect of special relativity that I hadn’t been able to before. I thought obsessively about a lot of things. During active addiction I would go without sleep for weeks, drifting off for hours or minutes each day, dangerously balanced between consciousness and unconsciousness, unable to tell the difference between what was reality and what was the product of a waking dream. I felt like I had slipped into the space below reality. I’d awake in a motel room days later, not entirely sure of what I’d done there. Months passed, and then years. The people I loved were getting married, having children, moving to other cities, going to funerals, working through the light and darkness of their own lives, and I was essentially the same thing I had been since the first moment I got high. There seemed a marked difference in the elapsed time I had observed, and the way the rest of the world had observed it. We were no longer relative to one another, by velocity or gravity, it didn’t exactly matter. What seemed like a single prolonged moment for me had been two years back on Earth.

The last time I went to jail, I stayed long enough to get completely sober, to form rational thoughts again. I began to understand that substance abuse had only erased me for a brief period, and that everything I’d tried to obliterate with drugs was still intact, right in the spot where I’d left it. I’d written about jail in my short story decades earlier, and the actual experience of it was only somewhat different. There are no windows. The recreation area is merely a cell without a ceiling. There is a lot of violence. Ninety percent of the inmates are addicts. Fights break out regularly. I watched a man get beaten by three correctional officers because he’d asked to use the phone too many times. I watched an emaciated nineteen-year-old boy get tased seven times because he wouldn’t willingly go back into an isolation cell, where he’d already been for three months. Like the protagonist of my story, I was too sensitive, too naive, too unsure of myself, too passive, too gay, unable to tell when my cellmates were angry or joking, or if there was even a distinction, if they were propositioning me or making fun of me. I was surprised that I’d understood so much about a situation I’d never been in, and that what I’d understood above all else, was that I couldn’t understand it. Like the character in my story, I worried that being educated had stripped me of some primal instinct necessary to survive in jail, that I did not know how to interact with aggressive heteronormative men. It was a language I had never really learned anyway. I could translate it, but I couldn’t speak it. As the days went by, the very idea of punishment, of using incarceration to exact justice, grew more and more absurd. The majority of the inmates had been there before, had been in prison at least once, for similar convictions. How had it served us? The penalty for our drug use, and crimes we’d committed as addicts, was extended confinement in close quarters with other addicts. I thought about the terrible mistakes I had made every single day. I obsessed over them. They were what had led me here, to the worst place I have ever been. I would have chosen sleeping in a ditch, or backyard, under a bush, in a burned-out mobile home, in an open field, any day of the week, over jail. Luckily, though, I didn’t have to choose. For the first time in years I’d begun to feel that those weren’t the only options. In a letter from jail to my friend Amy Baily I wrote, “I’ve made a lot of bad decisions and hurt the people I love, but I feel ready to begin the long, difficult road to the hill where there’s a path that leads to a cliff that if you climb down many feet there’s a cave that goes for several miles beneath a nearby river that eventually comes out in a neighboring state where one is allowed to submit paperwork at a tiny glass window in the side of a tree that is also an office for The Department of Forgiveness.”

My book Here Is What You Do was published by Soho Press in June, 2019. I recently reread the title story, the one about a young addict jailed on drug charges. I felt awash in recognition, as with any song or movie or story that renders an aspect of your life so accurately you feel blindsided by a sudden reversal of loneliness, because someone has articulated something crucial that up until that point had gone unnamed. Except that someone was me. I wrote it about myself, before it had ever happened.

At the end of that story the protagonist is released, and finds himself faced with the danger and uncertainty of being a free person. After my grandmother posted bond in April, I had the same strange dilemma: how to readjust to the danger of my own freedom. A dear friend offered to let me stay in her home in the country. I’ve been here ever since, attending treatment and court hearings.

Where I am now, in this barn-red house on a hill, there are peacocks whose night-calls sound like a person yelling for help, a rust-colored mule named Lulu, hundred-foot-tall pine trees, and a creek that renders the road impassable after heavy rains. Where I am now, in this barn-red house on a hill, I have my own bedroom.

(Source: The Paris Review)

Thursday, 27 June 2019

Sherin Mathews death: Father of adopted Indian girl gets life sentence

A US father accused of killing his adopted three-year-old daughter has been sentenced to life in jail after pleading guilty to a lesser charge.

US media said the unanimous verdict came after Wesley Mathews confessed to "injury of a child by omission".

Sherin Mathews was reported missing from her Texas home in October 2017, triggering a large search operation.

Mathews originally said she disappeared after he put her outside as a punishment for not drinking her milk.
Sherin Mathews was first reported missing from her Texas home in October 2017, triggering a large search operation

After the girl's body was found two weeks later in a drain entrance, he said she had accidentally choked.

Police had said that his version of events changed repeatedly during the investigation.

Mathews took to the witness stand on Tuesday, where he claimed that Sherin had accidently choked on milk and died. ""I tried to gently shake Sherin so she would be out of that spell but nothing was working and in a matter — pretty soon her head started going different directions and her head came to a still," he said, as reported in local US media.

But prosecutor Sherre Thomas argued that medical records show that it was "impossible for a child who is three years old to stand up and choke to death".

She added that Mathews killed Sherin in October 2017. She was adopted from India a year before in 2016.

"It means he killed that little girl. And when he killed her, he panicked," Ms Thomas told local US media. "He covered his crime. He got away with that."

The defence attorney had argued that Mathews was a good father who panicked when Sherin choked and did not call for help. He called the sentence a "cruel and unusual punishment".

The girl's adopted mother was cleared of charges of child abandonment due to lack of evidence
His wife, Sini Mathews, was also charged with child abandonment but her case was dismissed earlier this year due to lack of evidence.

The couple's biological daughter was removed from their custody shortly after the toddler was reported missing. She was initially taken into foster care, but is now said to be staying with relatives.

In November, a paediatric doctor confirmed at a custody hearing that she had contacted Child Protective Services in March over concerns with bone fractures she found on three-year-old Sherin.

The case prompted the Indian government to formally suspend Holt International, the adoption agency the Mathews used to adopt Sherin, accusing it of "negligence" in their assessment of the couple.

The country also further tightened adoption processes.

(Source: BBC)

Wednesday, 19 June 2019

China is harvesting organs from detainees, tribunal concludes

Victims include imprisoned followers of Falun Gong movement, China Tribunal says

An independent tribunal sitting in London has concluded that the killing of detainees in China for organ transplants is continuing, and victims include imprisoned followers of the Falun Gong movement.

The China Tribunal, chaired by Sir Geoffrey Nice QC, who was a prosecutor at the international criminal tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, said in a unanimous determination at the end of its hearings it was “certain that Falun Gong as a source - probably the principal source - of organs for forced organ harvesting”.

“The conclusion shows that very many people have died indescribably hideous deaths for no reason, that more may suffer in similar ways and that all of us live on a planet where extreme wickedness may be found in the power of those, for the time being, running a country with one of the oldest civilisations known to modern man.”

He added: “There is no evidence of the practice having been stopped and the tribunal is satisfied that it is continuing.”

The tribunal has been taking evidence from medical experts, human rights investigators and others.

 Waiting times for transplantation offered by hospitals in China are extraordinarily low. Photograph: Sean Smith/The Guardian
Among those killed, it has been alleged, are members of religious minorities such as Falun Gong. Persecution of the group began in 1999 after it had attracted tens of millions of followers and came to be seen as a threat to the communist party.

There is less evidence about the treatment of Tibetans, Uighur Muslims and some Christian sects.

China announced in 2014 that it would stop removing organs for transplantation from executed prisoners and has dismissed the claims as politically-motivated and untrue.

The tribunal was initiated by the International Coalition to End Transplant Abuse in China (Etac) and its members, all of whom worked without payment, included medical experts.

Waiting times for transplantation offered by hospitals in China were extraordinarily low, the tribunal noted, often only a couple of weeks.

Investigators calling hospitals in China inquiring about transplants for patients, the tribunal said, have in the past been told that the source of some organs were from Falun Gong followers.

Both former Falun Gong and Uighur inmates gave testimony of undergoing repeated medical testing in Chinese jails.

Jennifer Zeng, a Falun Gong activist who was imprisoned for a year in a female labour camp, gave evidence to the China Tribunal about what she said were repeated medical check-ups and blood tests to which inmates were subjected.

She told the Guardian: “On the day we were transferred to the labour camp, we were taken to a medical facility where we underwent physical check-ups. We were interrogated about what diseases we had and I told them I had hepatitis.

“The second time, after about a month in the camp, everyone was handcuffed and put in a van and taken to a huge hospital. That was for a more thorough physical check-up. We were given X-rays. On the third occasion in the camp, they were drawing blood from us. We were all told to line up in the corridor and the test were given.”

Zeng, who fled China in 2001, did not see any direct evidence of forced organ removal but since reading other accounts, she has questioned whether the tests were part of a medical selection process.

In her statement to the tribunal, she said: “Inmates of the labour camp were not allowed to exchange contact details, so there was no way to trace each other after we were released. When anyone disappeared from the camp, I would assume that she was released and had gone home.

“But in reality that cannot be confirmed, as I had no way to trace others after my release and I now fear they might have been taken to a hospital and had their organs removed without consent and thus killed in the process.”

As many as 90,000 transplant operations a year are being carried out in China, the tribunal estimated, a far higher figure than that given by official government sources.

There have been calls for the UK parliament to ban patients from travelling to China for transplant surgery. More than 40 MPs from all parties have backed the motion. Israel, Italy, Spain and Taiwan already enforce such restrictions.

China insists it adheres to international medical standards that require organ donations to be made by consent and without any financial charges. It declined to participate in the tribunal.

Commenting on the claims earlier this year, the Chinese embassy told the Guardian: “The Chinese government always follows the World Health Organization’s guiding principles on human organ transplant, and has strengthened its management on organ transplant in recent years. On 21 March 2007, the Chinese state council enacted the regulation on human organ transplant, providing that human organ donation must be done voluntarily and gratis. We hope that the British people will not be misled by rumours.”

The tribunal heard reports of extraction of kidneys from executed prisoners from as far back as the 1970s. Most of the evidence, however, came from 2000 onwards.

(Source: The Guardian)