Showing posts with label Punjab. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Punjab. Show all posts

Saturday, 28 November 2020

Marriage between first cousins illegal, says Punjab and Haryana High Court

 Court rules after youth, who was in a live-in relationship with a minor girl who was his relative, files for anticipatory bail

The Punjab and Haryana High Court has stated that marriage between first cousins is illegal. The assertion came after a youth moved the High Court against the State of Punjab for anticipatory bail.


The petitioner, a 21-year-old youth, had sought anticipatory bail in a case registered under Sections 363 (kidnapping), 366A (Procuration of minor girl) of the Indian Penal Code at Khanna city-2 in Ludhiana district.


The counsel for petitioner submitted that his client had also filed a criminal writ petition, along with the girl, praying for grant of protection to their life and liberty. The State however argued the duo were first cousins and their fathers were real brothers.

Justice Arvind Singh Sangwan, while hearing the petition, said, “..the submission in the present petition that as and when she [the girl] attains the age of 18 years, they will perform marriage is per se illegal.”



During the hearing, the court file of the criminal writ petition was also summoned and as per its memorandum of parties, the girl’s age was stated as 17 and the petitioner had filed the said petition with the submission that both of them were in a live-in-relationship.


Along with the petition, a representation was also annexed, in which the girl had stated that while her parents had love and affection for their sons, she was ignored by them. Therefore, she decided to live with her friend and, on that account, she was apprehending that her parents could harass them and disturb their peace of mind. This petition was disposed on September 7.


Justice Sangwan, in the current case, pointed out “...in the present petition also, the petitioner has not disclosed the fact that he is the first cousin of the girl and, therefore, the submission in the present petition that as and when she attains the age of 18 years, they will perform marriage is also per se illegal.”


The counsel for the State, who opposed the bail, raised objections, including that the girl was a minor. Besides, the boy and the girl were first cousins as their fathers were brothers. Hence, the petitioner concealed yet another fact in the said criminal writ petition that they fall in the prohibited ‘sapinda’ under the Hindu Marriage Act (HMA) and could not marry each other. The HMA prohibits marriage between two individuals if they have common ancestor.


(Source: The Hindu)

Thursday, 4 July 2019

The Indian state where farmers sow the seeds of death

Cancer rates are the highest in the country, drug addiction is rife, and 900 farmers have killed themselves in two years. How did Punjab turn toxic?

The road to Langroya village weaves its way through fields rich with crops that offer a vivid snapshot of India’s kitchens. There is wheat, rice, sugarcane, maize, mustard seed and a rich variety of vegetables that have made this corner of the country India’s most important agricultural region.

Like the majority of their compatriots in Punjab, Langroya’s residents rely on farming for their existence. About three-quarters of the state’s 30 million-strong population is involved in agriculture, with wheat the number one commodity. But while Punjab is known as “India’s bread basket”, there are challenges amid the abundance.

 A woman winnows wheat at a grain market in Bhagtanwala, in the Indian state of Punjab. Photograph: Sameer Sehgal/Hindustan Times/Getty Images
The list of concerns includes withering land, chronic illnesses, water shortages and an opioid drug epidemic that has wreaked havoc on village life. Over the past two years, more than 900 Punjabi farmers have killed themselves, and the state has the highest rates of cancer in India. A government survey estimates that more than two-thirds of households have at least one drug addict in the family. Added to this is the burden of paying off loans that many farmers take out from unofficial lenders at exorbitant interest rates.

Locals blame it all on “zeher” – poison.

“Our lives are being destroyed because of the contamination of the land and people,” says Surinder Kumar, the “sarpanch” or village head of Langroya. “There are so many problems facing us that I don’t even know where to begin. The politicians make a lot of promises, but the reality is that little is being done to help us. The very fabric of our existence is under threat.”

In an attempt to address Punjab’s plight, a new film explores the roots of its problems. Directed by Rehmat Rayatt and Leva Kwestany, Toxification tells the moving stories of farmers at the sharp end of the chemical epidemic engulfing the state.

Rayatt, a British-born film-maker of Punjabi origin, said: “The farmers are poisoning their bodies and their land. Our film makes a direct connection between the overuse of chemicals, which has damaged agriculture and pushed many farmers into debt, and drug addiction. Not only is farming becoming poisoned in Punjab, so is society.”

The film traces the roots of Punjab’s demise to the state’s green revolution of the 1970s, when new farming practices were introduced to increase production and profits. This involved the sustained use of chemical pesticides, insecticides and fertilisers, which has continued unchecked and without adequate guidance from experts.

Punjab utilises the highest amount of chemical fertilisers in India. Many of the pesticides sprayed on the state’s crops are classified as class I by the World Health Organization because of their acute toxicity and are banned in places around the world, including Europe.

 Farmers in Punjab protest over a perceived lack of government support. Photograph: Raminder Pal Singh/EPA
A range of studies have shown that the overuse of chemicals has found its way into Punjab’s food, water and soil and had a devastating impact on public health. There are at least 90 cancer patients for every 100,000 people in Punjab compared with the national average of 80. ’

Balbir Singh, a farmer, admits in the film to using illegal pesticides. “Some people use pesticides without understanding why, hoping that their crops won’t die,” he says. “We know we are killing our land and our people, but what can we do without them?”

The film examines the role that more organic-based farming techniques, which were widely used in the state prior to the green revolution, can play in restoring Punjab’s agricultural fortunes.

 Many farmers in Punjab are forced to work long days to pay off high-rate loans from unofficial lenders. Photograph: Ajay Verma/Reuters
Some of the most moving testimonies featured in Toxification are made by farmers talking about their descent into drug addiction. Many take opium husk, known as “bhuki”, which helps to kill the appetite, enabling them to work for longer in the fields. Heroin is also widely used in villages. In 2017, a government study suggested that more than 860,000 men in the state aged between 15 and 35 take some form of drug.

Punjab is not the only state in India affected by the excessive use of chemicals in agriculture. Nationally, the government’s response has been to establish pest management research centres, which provide guidance to farmers on how to minimise the use of pesticides. The centres have drawn criticism, however, for being underfunded and poorly staffed. Earlier this year, Punjab’s state government banned 20 pesticides deemed harmful to human health but did not provide details on how the edict would be enforced. The substances remain available across the rest of India.

Toxification was shown at the Ottawa film festival and screenings are planned in Britain. Rayatt also hopes to show the film in India in the hope that it will prompt politicians to take action to alleviate the suffering of Punjabi farmers and their counterparts across the rest of the country.

(Source: The Guardian)

Friday, 28 June 2019

Punjab announced free education for girls from nursery to PhD

The Captain Amarinder Singh-led government in Punjab has announced free education for girls in government schools and colleges from Nursery to PhD.

Making the announcement on Monday Capt. Singh said free textbooks will be provided to all students in government schools from the next academic session.


Books will also be made available online from where students can download for free.

He also said that Nursery and LKG classes will be reintroduced in government schools from next year. Fulfilling another election promise Singh also announced free Wi-FI for 13,000 primary schools and all 48 government colleges.

According to the census of India 2011, the literacy rate in Punjab is 75.84% which is better than the national average of 73.0%. The total number of literates in Punjab is 1,87,07,137. The male literacy rate is 80.44% and female literacy rate is 70.73%.

(Source: India Times)

Wednesday, 26 December 2018

The ghosts of Mrs Gandhi: Amitav Ghosh looks back at the 1984 massacre of Sikhs

‘I witnessed the risks that perfectly ordinary people were willing to take for one another,’ the author wrote in this essay from 1995.

Nowhere else in the world did the year 1984 fulfill its apocalyptic portents as it did in India. Separatist violence in the Punjab, the military attack on the great Sikh temple of Amritsar; the assassination of the Prime Minister, Mrs Indira Gandhi; riots in several cities; the gas disaster in Bhopal – the events followed relentlessly on each other. There were days in 1984 when it took courage to open the New Delhi papers in the morning.

Of the year’s many catastrophes, the sectarian violence following Mrs Gandhi’s death had the greatest effect on my life. Looking back, I see that the experiences of that period were profoundly important to my development as a writer; so much so that I have never attempted to write about them until now.

HT Photo

At that time, I was living in a part of New Delhi called Defence Colony – a neighborhood of large, labyrinthine houses, with little self-contained warrens of servants’ rooms tucked away on roof-tops and above garages. When I lived there, those rooms had come to house a floating population of the young and straitened journalists, copywriters, minor executives, and university people like myself. We battened upon this wealthy enclave like mites in a honeycomb, spreading from rooftop to rooftop. Our ramshackle lives curtailed from our landlords of chiffon-draped washing lines and thickets of TV serials.

I was 28. The city I considered home was Calcutta, but New Delhi was where I had spent all my adult life except for a few years in England and Egypt. I had returned to India two years before, upon completing a doctorate at Oxford, and recently found a teaching job at Delhi University. But it was in the privacy of my baking rooftop hutch that my real life was lived. I was writing my first novel, in the classic fashion, perched in garret.

On the morning of October 31, the day of Mrs. Gandhi’s death, I caught a bus to Delhi University, as usual, at about half past nine. From where I lived, it took an hour and half; a long commute, but not an exceptional one for New Delhi. The assassination had occurred shortly before, just a few miles away, but I had no knowledge of this when I boarded the bus. Nor did I notice anything untoward at any point during the ninety-minute journey. But the news, traveling by word of mouth, raced my bus to the university.

When I walked into the grounds, I saw not the usual boisterous, Frisbee-throwing crowd of students but a small group of people standing intently around a transistor radio. A young man detached himself from one of the huddles and approached me, his mouth twisted into a light tipped, knowing smile that seems always to accompany the gambit, “Have you heard...?”

The campus was humming, he said. No one knew for sure, but it was being said that Mrs. Gandhi had been shot. The word was that she had been assassinated by two Sikh bodyguards, in revenge for her having sent troops to raid the Sikhs’ Golden Temple in Amritsar earlier that year.

Just before stepping into the lecture room, I heard a report on All India Radio, the national network: Mrs. Gandhi had been rushed to hospital after her attempted assassinations.

Nothing stopped: the momentum of the daily routine carried things forward. I went into a classroom and began my lecture, but not many students had shown up and those who had were distracted and distant; there was a lot of fidgeting.

Indira Gandhi. Credit: INC
Halfway through the class, I looked out through the room’s single, slit-like window. The sunlight lay bright on the lawn below and on the trees beyond. It was the time of year when Delhi was at its best, crisp and cool. Its abundant greenery freshly watered by the recently retreated monsoons, its skies washed sparkling clean. By the time I turned back, I had forgotten what I was saying and had to reach for my notes.

My unsteadiness surprised me. I was not an uncritical admirer of Mrs. Gandhi. Her brief period of semi-dictatorial rule in the mid-seventies was still alive in my memory. But the ghastliness of her sudden murder was a reminder of the very real qualities that had been taken for granted: her fortitude, her dignity, her physical courage, her endurance. Yet it was just not grief I felt at the moment. Rather, it was a sense of something loose, of a mooring coming untied somewhat within.

The first reliable report of Mrs. Gandhi’s death was broadcast from Karachi, by Pakistan, at around 1.30 pm. On All India Radio regular broadcast had been replaced by music.

I left the university in the late afternoon with a friend, Hari Sen, who lived at the other end of the city. I needed to make a long-distance call, and he had offered to let me use his family telephone.

To get to Hari’s house we had to change buses at Connaught Place, that elegant circular arcade that lies at the geographical heart of Delhi, linking the old city with the new. As the bus swung around the periphery of the arcade, I noticed that the shops, stalls, and eateries were beginning to shut down, even though it was still afternoon.

Our next bus was not quite full, which was unusual. Just as it was pulling out, a man ran out of the office and jumped on. He was middle-aged and dressed in shirt and trousers, evidently an employee in one of the government buildings. He was a Sikh, but I scarcely noticed this at the time.

He probably jumped on without giving the matter any thought, this being his regular, daily bus. But, as it happened, on this day no choice could have been more unfortunate, for the route of the bus went past the hospital where Indira Gandhi’s body then lay. Certain loyalists in her party had begun inciting the crowds gathered there to seek revenge. The motorcade of Giani Zail Singh, the President of the Republic, a Sikh, had already been attacked by a mob.

None of this was known to us then, and we would never have suspected it: violence had never been directed at the Sikhs in Delhi.

As the bus made its way down New Delhi’s broad, tree-lined avenues, official-looking cars, with outriders and escorts, overtook us, speeding toward the hospital. As we drew nearer, it became evident that a large number of people had gathered there. But this was no ordinary crowd: it seemed to consist of red-eyed young men in half-buttoned shirts. It was now that I noticed that my Sikh fellow-passenger was showing signs of anxiety, sometimes standing up to look out, sometimes glancing out the door. It was too late to get off the bus; thugs were everywhere.

The bands of young men grew more and more menacing as we approached the hospital. There was a watchfulness about them; some were armed with steel rods and bicycle chains; others had fanned out across the busy road and were stopping cars and buses.

A stout woman in sari sitting across aisle from me was the first to understand what was going on. Rising to her feet, she gestured urgently at the Sikh, who was sitting hunched in his seat. She hissed at him in Hindi, telling him to get down and keep out of sight.

The man started in surprise and squeezed himself into the narrow footspace between the seats. Minutes later, our bus was intercepted by a group of young men dressed in bright, sharp synthetics. Several had bicycle chains wrapped around their wrists. They ran along beside the bus as it slowed to a halt. We heard them call out to the driver through the open door, asking if there were any Sikhs in the bus.

The driver shook his head. No, he said, there were no Sikhs in the bus.

A few rows ahead of me, the crouching turbaned figure had gone completely still.

Outside, some of the young men were jumping up to look through the windows, asking if there were any Sikhs in the bus. There was no anger in their voices; that was the most chilling thing of all.

No, someone said, and immediately other voices picked up the refrain. Soon all the passengers were shaking their heads and saying, no, no, let us go now, we have to get home.

Eventually, the thugs stepped back and waved us through.

Nobody said a word as we sped away down Ring Road.


Hari Sen lived in one of New Delhi’s recently developed residential colonies. It was called Safdarjang Enclave, and it was neatly and solidly middle-class, a neighborhood of aspirations rather than opulence. Like most such suburbs, the area had a mixed population: Sikhs were well represented.

A long street ran from end to end of the neighborhood, like the spine of a comb, with parallel side streets running off it. Hari lived at the end of one of those streets, in a fairly typical, big, one-storey bunglow. The house next door, however, was much grander and uncharacteristically daring in design. An angular structure, it was perched rakishly on stilts. Mr. Bawa, the owner, was an elderly Sikh who had spent a long time abroad, working with various international organisations. For several years, he had resided in Southeast Asia; thus the stilts.

Hari lived with his family in a household so large and eccentric that it had come to be known among his friends as Macondo, after Gabriel Garcia Marquez’s magical village. On this occasion, however, only his mother and teenage sister were at home. I decided to stay over.

It was a bright morning. When I stepped into the sunshine, I came upon a sight that I could never have imagined. In every direction, columns of smoke rose slowly into a limpid sky. Sikh houses and businesses were burning. The fires were so carefully targeted that they created an effect quite different from that of a general conflagration: it was like looking upward into the vault of some vast pillared hall.

The columns of smoke increased in number even as I stood outside watching. Some fires were burning a short distance away. I spoke to a passerby and learned that several nearby Sikh houses had been looted and set on fire that morning. The mob had started at the far end of the colony and was working its way in our direction. Hindus or Muslims who had sheltered Sikhs were also being attacked; their houses too were being looted and burned.

It was still and quite, eerily so. The usual sounds of rush-hour traffic were absent. But every so often we heard a speeding car or a motorcycle on the main street. Later, we discovered that these mysterious speeding vehicles were instrumental in directing the carnage that was taking place. Protected by certain politicians, “organisers” were zooming around the city, assembling the mobs and transporting them to Sikh-owned houses and shops.

Apparently, the transportation was provided free. A civil-rights report published shortly afterward stated that this phase of violence “began with the arrival of groups of armed people in tempo vans, scooters, motorcycles or trucks,” and went on to say,

With cans of petrol they went around the localities and systematically set fire to Sikh-houses, shops and Gurdwaras...the targets were primarily young Sikhs. They were dragged out, beaten up and then burned alive...In all the affected spots, a calculated attempt to terrorize the people was evident in the common tendency among the assailants to burn alive Sikhs on public roads.

Fire was everywhere; it was the day’s motif. Throughout the city, Sikh houses were being looted and then set on fire, often with their occupants still inside.

A survivor – a woman who lost her husband and three sons – offered the following account to Veena Das, a Delhi sociologist:

Some people, the neighbors, one of my relatives, said it would be better if we hid in an abandoned house nearby. So my husband took our three sons and hid there. We locked the house from outside, but there was treachery in people’s hearts. Someone must have told the crowd. They baited him to come out. Then they poured kerosene on that house. They burnt them alive. When I went there that night, the bodies of my sons were on the loft – huddled together.

The devastation in the East Delhi neighbourhood of Trilokpur. Credit: HT Photo
Over the next few days, some 2,500 people died in Delhi alone. Thousands more died in other cities. The total death toll will never be known. The dead were overwhelmingly Sikh men. Entire neighborhoods were gutted; tens of thousands of people were left homeless.

Like many other members of my generation, I grew up believing that mass slaughter of the kind that accompanied the Partition of India and Pakistan, in 1947, could never happen again. But that morning in the city of Delhi, the violence had reached the same level of intensity.

As Hari and I stood staring into the smoke-streaked sky, Mrs. Sen, Hari’s mother, was thinking of matters closer at hand. She was about 50, a tall, graceful woman with a gentle, soft-spoken manner. In an understated way, she was also deeply religious, a devout Hindu. When she heard what was happening, she picked up the phone and called Mr. and Mrs. Bawa, the elderly Sikh couple next door, to let them know that they were welcome to come over. She met with unexpected response: an awkward silence. Mrs. Bawa thought she was joking, and wasn’t sure whether to be amused or not.

Toward midday, Mrs. Sen received a phone call: the mob was now in the immediate neighborhood, advancing systematically from street to street. Hari decided that it was time to go over and have a talk with the Bawas. I went along.

Mr. Bawa proved to be small, slight man. Although he was casually dressed, his turban was neatly tied and his beard was carefully combed and bound. He was puzzled by our visit. After a polite greeting, he asked what he could do for us. It fell to Hari to explain.

Mr. Bawa had heard about Indira’s assassination, of course, and he knew there had been some trouble. But he could not understand why these “disturbances” should impinge on him or his wife. He had no more sympathy for Sikh terrorists than we did; his revulsion at the assassination was, if anything, even greater than ours. Not only was his commitment to India and the Indian state absolute but it was evident from his bearing that he belonged to the country’s ruling elite.

How do you explain to someone who has spent a lifetime cocooned in privilege that a potentially terminal rent has appeared in the wrappings? We found ourselves faltering. Mr. Bawa could not bring himself to believe that a mob might attack him.

By the time we left, it was Mr. Bawa who was mouthing reassurances. He sent us off with jovial pats on our backs. He did not actually say “Buck up”, but his manner said it for him.

We were confident that the government would soon act to stop the violence. In India, there is a drill associated with civil disturbances: a curfew is declared; paramilitary units are deployed; in extreme cases the army marches to the stricken areas. No city in India is better equipped to perform this drill than New Delhi, with its huge security apparatus. We learned later that in some cities – Calcutta, for example, the state authorities did act promptly to prevent violence. But in New Delhi – and much of North India – hours followed without a response.

Every few minutes we turned to the radio, hoping to hear that the Army had been ordered out. All we heard was mournful music and descriptions of Mrs. Gandhi’s lying in state; of coming and goings of dignitaries, foreign and national. The bulletins could have been message from another planet.

As the afternoon progressed, we continued to hear reports of the mob’s steady advance. Before long, it had reached the next alley: we could hear the voices; the smoke was everywhere. There was still no sign of Army or police.

Hari again called Mr. Bawa, and now the flames visible from his windows, he was more receptive. He agreed to come over with his wife, just for a short while. But there was a problem: How? The two properties were separated by a shoulder -high wall, so it was impossible to walk from one house to the other except along the street.

I spotted a few thugs already at the end of the street. We could hear the occasional motorcycle, cruising slowly up and down. The Bawas could not risk stepping out in the street. They would be seen: the sun had dipped low in the sky, but it was still light. Mr. Bawa balked at the thought of climbing over the wall: it seemed an inseparable obstacle at his age. But eventually Hari persuaded him to try.

We went to wait for them at the back of the Sen’s house – in a spot that was well-sheltered from the street. The mob seemed terrifyingly close, the Bawas reckless in their tardiness. A long time appeared before the elderly couple finally appeared, hurrying towards us.

Mr. Bawa had changed before leaving the house: he was neatly dressed, dapper, even a blazer and cravat. Mrs. Bawa dressed in salwar and kameez. Their cook was with them, and it was with his assistance that they made it over the wall. The cook, who was Hindu, then returned to the house to stand guard.

Hari led the Bawas into the drawing room, where Mrs. Sen was waiting dressed in chiffon sari. The room was large and well appointed, its walls hung with a rare and beautiful set of miniatures. With the curtains now drawn and the lamps lit, it was warm and welcoming. But all that lay between us and the mob in the street was a row of curtained French windows and a garden wall.

Mrs. Sen greeted the elderly couple with folded hands as they came in. The three seated themselves in the intimate circle, and soon a silver tea tray appeared. Instantly, all constraint evaporated, and, to the tinkling of porcelain, the conversation turned to the staples of New Delhi drawing-room chatter.

I could not bring myself to sit down. I stood in the corridor, distracted, looking outside through the front entrance.

A couple of scouts on motorcycles had drawn up next door. They had dismounted and were inspecting the house, walking in among the concrete stilts, looking up into the house. Somehow, they got wind of the cook’s presence and called him out.

The cook was very frightened. He was surrounded by thugs thrusting knives in his face and shouting questions. It was dark, and some were carrying kerosene torches. Wasn’t it true, they shouted, that his employers were Sikhs.

Where were they? Were they hiding inside? Who owned the house – Hindus or Sikhs? Hari and I hid behind the wall and listened to the interrogation. Our fates depended on this lone, frightened man. We had no idea what he would do: of how secure the Bawas were of his loyalties, or whether he might seek revenge for some past slight by revealing their whereabouts. If he did; both houses would burn.

Although stuttering in terror, the cook held his own. Yes, he said, yes, his employers were Sikhs but they had left town: there was no one in the house. No, the house didn’t belong to them; they were renting from a Hindu.

He succeeded in persuading most of the thugs, but a few eyed the surrounding houses suspiciously. Some appeared at the steel gates in front of us, rattling the bars.

We went up and positioned ourselves at the gates. I remember a strange sense of disconnection as I walked down the driveway, as though I was watching myself from somewhere very distant.

We took hold of the gates and shouted back: Get away! You have no business here. There’s no one inside! The house is empty!

To my surprise, they began to drift away, one by one. Just before this, I had stepped into the house to see how Mrs. Sen and the Bawas were faring. The thugs were clearly audible in the lamplit drawing room; only a thin curtain shielded the interior from their view.

My memory of what I saw in the drawing room is uncannily vivid. Mrs. Sen had a slight smile on her face as she poured a cup of tea for Mr. Bawa. Beside her, Mrs. Bawa, in a firm, unwavering voice, was comparing the domestic-help situations in New Delhi and Manila.

I was awed by their courage.

The scene from the East Delhi neighbourhood of Trilokpuri. Credit: HT Photo
The next morning, I heard about a protest that was being organised at the large compound of a relief agency. When I arrived, a meeting was already underway, a gathering of seventy or eighty people.

The mood was somber. Some of the people spoke of neighborhoods that had been taken over by vengeful mobs. They described countless murders - mainly by setting the victims alight - as well as terrible destruction: the burning of Sikh temples, the looting of Sikh schools, the razing of Sikh homes and shops. The violence was worse than I had imagined. It was decided that the most effective initial tactic would be to march into one of the badly affected neighborhoods and confront the rioters directly.

The group had grown to a hundred and fifty men and women, among them Swami Agnivesh, a Hindu ascetic; Ravi Chopra, a scientist and environmentalist; and a handful of opposition politicians, including Chandra Shekhar, who became prime minister for a brief period several years later.

The group was pitifully small by the standards of a city where crowds of several hundred thousand were routinely mustered for political rallies. Nevertheless the members rose to their feet and began to march.

Years before, I had read a passage by V.S. Naipaul, which had stayed with me ever since. I have never been able to find it again, so this account is from memory. In his incomparable prose Naipaul describes a demonstration. He is in a hotel room, somewhere in Africa or South America; he looks down and see people marching past. To his surprise, the sight fills him with an obscure longing, a kind of melancholy, he is aware of a wish to go out, to join, to merge his concerns with theirs. Yet he knows he never will; it is simply not in his nature to join crowds.

For many years, I read everything of Naipaul’s I could lay my hands on; I couldn’t have enough of him. I read him with the intimate, appalled attention that one reserves for one’s most skillful interlocutors. It was he who first made it possible for me to think of myself as a writer, working in English.

I remembered the passage because I believed that I, too, was not a joiner, and in Naipaul’s pitiless mirror I thought I had seen an aspect of myself rendered visible. Yet as this forlorn little group marched out of the shelter of the compound I did not hesitate for a moment: without a second thought, I joined.

The march headed first to Lajpat Nagar, a busy commercial area a mile or so away. I knew the area. Though it was in New Delhi, its streets resembled the older parts of the city, where small cramped shops tended to spill out into the footpaths.

We were shouting slogans as we marched: hoary Gandhian staples of peace and brotherhood from half a century before. Then, suddenly, we were confronted with a starkly familiar spectacle, an image of twentieth century urban horror: burned-out cars, their ransacked interiors visible through smashed windows; debris and rubble everywhere. Blackened pots had been strewn along the street. A cinema had been gutted, and the charred faces of film stars stared out at us from half-burned posters.

As I think back to that march, my memory breaks down, details dissolve. I recently telephoned some friends who had been there. There memories are similar to mine in only one respect; they, too, clung to one scene while successfully ridding their minds of the rest.

The scene my memory preserved is of a moment when it seemed inevitable that we would be attacked.

Rounding a corner, we found ourselves facing a crowd that was larger and more determined-looking that any other crowds that we had encountered. On each previous occasion, we had prevailed by marching at the thugs and engaging them directly, in dialogues that turned quickly into extended shouting matches. In every instance, we had succeeded in facing them down. But this particular mob was intent on confrontation. As its members advanced on us, brandishing knives and steel rods, we stopped. Our voices grew louder as they came towards us; a kind of rapture descended on us, exhilaration in anticipation of a climax. We braced for the attack, leaning forward as though into a wind.

And then something happened that I have never completely understood. Nothing was said; there was no signal, nor was there any break in the rhythm of our chanting. But suddenly all women in our group and the women made up more than half of the group’s numbers – stepped out and surrounded the men; their saris and kameezes became a thin, fluttering barrier, a wall around us. They turned to face the approaching men, challenging them, daring them to attack.

The thugs took a few more steps toward us and then faltered, confused. A moment later, they were gone.

The march ended at the walled compound where it had started. In the next couple of hours, an organisation was created, the Nagrik Ekta Manch, or Citizen’s Unity Front, and its work - to bring relief to the injured and the bereft, to shelter the homeless – began the next morning. Food and clothing were needed, and camps had to be established to accommodate the thousands of people with nowhere to sleep. And by the next day we were overwhelmed – literally. The large compound was crowded with vanloads of blankets, secondhand clothing, shoes and sacks of flour, sugar and tea. Previously hard-nosed unsentimental businessmen sent cars and trucks. There was barely room to move.

A refugee camp in Delhi. Credit: HT Photo
My own role in the Front was slight. For a few weeks, I worked with a team from Delhi University, distributing supplies in the slums and working-class neighborhoods that had been worst hit by the rioting. Then I returned to my desk.

In time, inevitably, most of the Front’s volunteers returned to their everyday lives. But some members – most notably the women involved in the running of refugee camps –continued to work for years afterward with Sikh women and children who had been rendered homeless. Jaya Jaitley, Lalita Ramdas, Veena Das, Mita Bose, Radha Kumar: these women, each one an accomplished professional, gave up years of their time to repair the enormous damage that had been done in a matter of two or three days.

The Front also formed a team to investigate the riots. I briefly considered joining, but then decided that an investigation would be a waste of time because the politicians capable of inciting violence were unlikely to heed a tiny group of concerned citizens.

I was wrong. A document eventually produced by this team – a slim pamphlet entitled Who Are the Guilty – has become a classic, a searing indictment of the politicians who encouraged the riots and the police who allowed the rioters to have their way.

Over the years the Indian government has compensated some of the survivors of the 1984 violence and resettled some of the homeless. One gap remains: to this day, no instigator of the riots has been charged. But the pressure on the government has never gone away, and it continues to grow: every year, the nails hammered in by that slim document dig just a little deeper.

That pamphlet and others that followed are testaments to the only humane possibility available to people who live in multi-ethnic, multi-religious societies like those of the Indian sub-continent. Human-rights documents such as Who Are the Guilty? are essential to the process of broadening civil institutions: they are weapons with which society asserts itself against a state that runs criminally amok, as the one did in Delhi in November of 1984.

It is heartening that sanity prevails today in Punjab. But not elsewhere. In Bombay, local government officials want to stop any public buildings from being painted green – a color associated with the Muslim religion. And hundreds of city’s Muslims have been deported from the city slums – in at least one case for committing an offense no graver than reading a Bengali newspaper. It is imperative that government insure that those who instigate mass violence do not go unpunished.

The Bosnian writer Dzevad Karahasan, in a remarkable essay called Literature and War (published last year in the collection Sarajevo, Exodus of a City), makes a startling connection between modern literary aestheticism and the contemporary world’s indifference to violence:

The decision to perceive literally everything as an aesthetic phenomenon - completely sidestepping questions about goodness and truth - is an artistic decision. That decision started in the realm of art, and went on to become characteristic of the contemporary world.

When I went back to my desk in November 1984, I found myself confronting decisions about writing that I had never faced before. How was I to write about what I had seen without reducing it to a mere spectacle?

My next novel was bound to be influenced by my experiences, but I could see no way of writing directly about those events without recreating them as a paranoma of violence –
“an aesthetic phenomenon,” as Karahasan was to call it. At the time, the idea seemed obscene and futile; of much greater importance were factual reports of the testimony of the victims. But these were already being done by people who were, I knew, more competent than I could be.

Within a few months, I started my novel, which I eventually called The Shadow Lines –
a book that led me backward in time, to earlier memories of riots, ones witnessed in childhood. It became a book not about any one event but about the meaning of such events and their effects on the individuals who live through them.

And until now I have never really written about what I saw in November 1984. I am not alone: several others who took part in that march went on to publish books, yet nobody, so far as I know, has ever written about it except in the passing.

There are good reasons for this, not least the politics of the situation, which leave so little room for the writer. The riots were generated by a cycle of violence, involving terrorists in Punjab on the one hand, and the Indian government on the other. To write carelessly in such a way as to endorse terrorism or repression, can add easily to the problem: in such incendiary circumstances, words cost lives, and it is only appropriate that those who deal in words should pay scrupulous attention to what they say. It is only appropriate that they should find themselves inhibited.

The market in Azadpur was torched. Credit: HT Photo
But there is also a simple explanation. Before I could set down a word, I had to resolve a dilemma, between being a writer and being a citizen. As a writer, I had only obvious subjects: the violence. From the news report, or the latest film or novel, we have come to expect the bloody detail or the elegantly staged conflagration that closes a chapter or effects a climax. But it is worth asking if the very obviousness of this subject arises out of out modern conventions of representations: within the dominant aesthetic of our time –
the aesthetic of what Karahasan calls “indifference” – it is all too easy to present violence as an apocalyptic spectacle, while the resistance to it can as easily figure as mere sentimentality, or worse, as pathetic or absurd.

Writers don’t join crowds – Naipaul and so many others teach us that. But what do you do when the Constitutional authority fails to act? You join and in joining bear all the responsibility and obligations and guilt that joining represents. My experience of the violence was overwhelming and memorable of the resistance to it. When I think of the women staring down the mob, I am not filled with writerly wonder. I am reminded of my gratitude from being saved from injury. What I saw at firsthand – and not merely on that march but on the bus, in Hari’s house, in the huge compound filled with essential goods –
was not the horror of violence but the affirmation of humanity: in each case, I witnessed the risks that perfectly ordinary people were willing to take for one another.

When I now read descriptions of troubled parts of the world, in which violence appears primordial and inevitable, a fate to which masses of people are largely resigned, I find myself asking: Is that all there was to it? Or is it possible that the authors of these descriptions failed to find a form – or a style or a voice of a plot – that could accommodate both violence and the civilised, willed response to it?

The truth is that the commonest response to violence is one of the repugnance, and that a significant number of people everywhere try to oppose it in whatever way they can. That these effects so rarely appear in accounts of violence is not surprising: they are too un-dramatic. For those who participate in them, they are often hard to write about for the very reasons that so long delayed my own account of 1984.

“Let us not fool ourselves,” Karahasan writes. “The world is written first – the Holy Books say that it was created in words and all that happens in it, happens in language first.”

It is when we think of the world the aesthetic of indifference might bring into being that we recognize the urgency of remembering the stories we have not written.

(Source: Scroll)

Wednesday, 29 August 2018

AAP makes MP nominee Atishi drop Marlena from her name because it ‘sounds Christian’

The party doesn’t want to give the BJP a handle to queer the pitch for it in East Delhi, from where Atishi, who is actually a Punjabi Rajput, will contest in 2019.

Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) member Atishi Marlena, who was declared the party’s East Delhi Lok Sabha candidate Monday, has dropped ‘Marlena’ from her Twitter handle and publicity material to dodge rumours that she is a Christian, sources told ThePrint.

@AtishiMarlena will now be @AtishiAAP on Twitter.

A party source told ThePrint that Atishi is from a Punjabi Rajput family. Her surname is a tribute to communist icons Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin.

According to the sources, the AAP never felt the need to address the issue in public before, but “times have changed”.

“Ever since she was appointed prabhari, a rumour began to be spread by political parties in the constituency, especially the BJP, that the AAP had given ticket to a Christian,” a senior party leader told ThePrint.


“The party gave it due thought and requested her to drop the Christian-sounding ‘Marlena’ from her publicity material,” the source added.

Atishi, who has previously served as an adviser to deputy chief minister and education minister Manish Sisodia, was declared the prabhari (in-charge) for the East Delhi Lok Sabha seat in June.

Another senior party leader told ThePrint, “The AAP is a Delhi-based party and we have high chances of winning in Delhi. The party did not want to compromise on it and hence decided to nip any rumour in the bud.”

The party’s official website still carries Atishi’s full name. “It will also be changed on the website very soon,” a source said, “Changing it on mediums that are more visible was a priority.”

The source added that even “small things mattered” as the party headed into the election season. “The BJP has a huge machinery. They have already started spreading the rumour that Atishi is a Christian. Once it gains momentum, it will be a gigantic task for the party to convince the voters that it’s not true,” the source said.

“In India, caste and religion matter a lot during polls. Ideally, it should not, but practically it does. If Atishi were Christian, it would neither have been a matter of shame nor a thing to hide. But the BJP wants people to believe she is Christian,” the source added.

The party has not yet asked Atishi to drop her name from official documents, the source said.

(Source: The Print)

Monday, 27 August 2018

When attacking Sidhu, keep in mind Punjab’s most famous live-in couple

The romance between Aroosa Alam and Captain Amarinder Singh is Punjab’s worst-kept secret, writes Shobhaa De in The Print. Read on:

India clearly has a major problem with hugs. No matter who hugs whom – the hugger and the huggee end up in hot water. Ab dekho – there was our man Navjot Singh Sidhu, doing his bit to improve neighbourly relations with Pakistan by attending his friend Imran Khan’s swearing-in ceremony. Nothing wrong with that warm gesture, right? Never mind that two other, even closer friends of the ‘Kaptaan’, Sunil Gavaskar and Kapil Dev, decided to be discreet and stay away, making some bahana or the other.

Sidhu bounded across the border eagerly and behaved like an over-enthusiastic schoolboy attending his first ‘adults only’ party. Then came ‘the hug’. Sidhu, clearly carried away by the mood, temporarily forgot that the man he was ‘galey lagao-ing’ with was none other than the Pakistani army chief – Qamar Javed Bajwa. That was it! All hell broke loose and Sidhu got his err…backside whipped. And what a whipping it was, my countrymen!

“I am not a robot,” whined a visibly upset Sidhu, going into elaborate explanations about the ‘emotional moment’ that led to the jhappi (but mercifully, no pappi).

The sound and fury should have ended right there. But no! The debate continued to rage on, with PM Imran Khan calling Sidhu an “ambassador of peace”, after Captain Amarinder Singh, the Punjab chief minister thundered, “It (the hug) was not a nice gesture and was completely avoidable.” Suddenly, the ‘Sherry on the top’, turned slightly sour.

Ajeeb. Very ajeeb.

It’s now a stand-off between the rugged Kaptaan and the burly Captain.

But such is our hypocrisy that nobody is addressing the tigress in the room – Aroosa Begum – often referred to as the ‘First Lady of Punjab’. This is one of Punjab’s worst-kept secrets! Aroosa Alam is a well-accepted hostess in Chandigarh, where she spends considerable time, as the chief minister’s long-term partner from across the border. I was seated next to the lovely lady at a lit fest in Kasauli a few years ago when she was there to attend Amarinder Singh’s high-profile book launch (‘The People’s Maharaja’) in the presence of an elite audience, which included authors and friends from Pakistan. Not a single eyebrow was raised! She spoke graciously and charmingly to everyone, posed for pictures, and left right after the function, leaving a trail of divine perfume behind. The two of them looked like any other elderly couple. Which they indeed are!


Going by published reports, the romantic Captain fell madly in love with Aroosa Alam, way back in 2004 on a trip to Pakistan. She was married, with two sons. At the time she was described as an ‘investigative journalist’, someone who was very well connected with the Pakistani military establishment. Interestingly, her mother, who was popularly known as ‘General Rani’, and often described as the ‘most powerful woman in Pakistan’ for being the “muse and mistress” of Yahya Khan, had left her six children and husband to better run the country! Reportedly, before her elevation, she used to host elaborate parties, with her well-trained dancing girls entertaining influential guests. So much for that.

The big question then, in today’s context, is: What role does Aroosa Begum play in Punjab politics? Or should we generously say she is nothing more than the chief minister’s adored one? The lady who campaigns for him and is regarded as his wife (she resides in his official residence), for all practical purposes? How can the Captain object to Navjot Sidhu’s public hug, when an ambitious lady who still holds a Pakistani passport is an inseparable part of his political and personal life?

Aroosa Alam, in an interview to Hindustan Times, had said, “It’s a sensitive issue… there are fundoos ( fundamentalists) back home… women are in trouble in Pakistan.” How fortunate for the Begum that she has successfully made her life in India. And India has scrupulously followed the ‘live and let live’ philosophy towards the much-in-love couple.

Perhaps, Captain Amarinder Singh should take the same route and back off from the current controversy. Navjot Sidhu has not broken any Indian law, nor committed a crime. He has only behaved like a bit of an idiot. But we are used to that, coming from him.

Wednesday, 10 January 2018

How poet Rupi Kaur became a hero to millions of young women

Rupi Kaur, one of Instagram’s favorite poets, writes about love, heartbreak and womanhood. She speaks to Jeffrey Brown about her rise to fame and her message for young women.

Judy Woodruff: And finally tonight, we take a look at a poet reaching new audiences in a new way.

At just 25, Rupi Kaur has burst onto the literary scene, surging to the top of nearly every bestseller list.

Jeffrey Brown reports how she’s done it by embracing social media, and building an avid following of young readers.

Jeffrey Brown: It’s become a strange new normal for 25-year-old Rupi Kaur, fans eager to share how her work has changed their lives. There’s often a photo and a hug. Sometimes, the exchange becomes emotional.

Woman: It’s because you remind me of my mom.

Rupi Kaur: I still don’t believe it. Like, I have to pinch myself. It’s real, but it still doesn’t feel real.

Jeffrey Brown: And how could it? Kaur’s debut collection of poems, “Milk and Honey,” has sold three million copies worldwide. And her new work, “The Sun and Her Flowers,” has already sold a million since its release in October.

Meanwhile, performances of her poetry, like this one in Washington, D.C., recently, routinely draw hundreds.

Rupi Kaur: There are mountains growing beneath our feet that cannot be contained. All we’ve endured has prepared us for this. Bring your hammers and fists. We have a glass ceiling to shatter.

(CHEERING AND APPLAUSE)

Jeffrey Brown: It’s heady stuff for a young woman who grew up in the Toronto suburb of Brampton in a large South Asian community, and used social media to build an ardent fan base of mostly young women.

Rupi Kaur: They are like my sisters. They are me.

Jeffrey Brown: We spoke recently at Brampton’s Rose Theatre, where Kaur graduated from high school, and these days performs her poetry.

Rupi Kaur: I was 18, 19, 20 when I was writing “Milk and Honey.”

And so, we’re always going to be growing together, and I think what I want to say to them is like, I’m with you. I’m here.

I think people just want to feel understood and feel seen. It’s what I want growing up. And so that’s why I think the poetry works so well.

Jeffrey Brown: Kaur’s poems are typically short, even just a few lines, with simple, unadorned language and spare punctuation. They’re often accompanied by her drawings.

In them, she writes of everyday occurrences, like starting relationships, or ending them.

Rupi Kaur: You ask if we can still be friends. I explain how a honeybee does not dream of kissing the mouth of a flower and then settle for its leaves. I don’t need more friends.

Jeffrey Brown: But she also tackles raw issues of sexual violence and trauma and how to heal.

Rupi Kaur: The books are not 100 percent, like, autobiographical.

There are — the emotions of it, yes, perhaps, but they’re also stories that my sisters or my cousins or my mom or my aunt experience every single day. And so I have had the ability and the privilege to go and write poems about their experiences.


Jeffrey Brown: Kaur was born in Punjab, India, and emigrated to Canada at the age of 4. Her father is a truck driver, work that takes him as far away as California, her mother a stay-at-home mom.

At home, they speak only Punjabi.

Rupi Kaur: The rule was kind of like, you know, you’re going to speak English 90 percent of your day, you know, out and about, no matter where you go in the world. This house is like where you’re going to speak Punjabi.

Jeffrey Brown: In fact, Kaur didn’t learn to speak English until the fourth grade. And she says it was through writing and performance that she found her voice.

Rupi Kaur: I think I just fell in love with the way the mic picks up my voice, and it like boomed throughout the entire space.

And for someone that felt voiceless for so long, that was so refreshing. For me, poetry is like holding up a mirror and seeing myself, and it gives words to these very complex emotions and these feelings that I had as a child, and not being able to put words to them.

Jeffrey Brown: She continued to write, posting work online, but it wasn’t until 2015 that she captured national attention, after the social media site Instagram twice removed a photo for an art project showing her with what looked like menstrual blood on her sweatpants.

Kaur responded: “I will not apologize for not feeding the ego and pride of misogynist society that will have my body in an underwear, but not be OK with a small leak.”

The response generated an outpouring of support online, and that same year, a major publisher picked up her first book. Since then, she’s cultivated a massive online presence. Nearly two million people follow her Instagram page.

A lot of lovers of poetry would think that poetry and social media just don’t go together, right?

Rupi Kaur: Yes.

Jeffrey Brown: Social media’s this ephemeral, surface-type thing.

Rupi Kaur: The gatekeepers of these two worlds are so confused. But, in my mind, it also seems so very natural that these two things would come together, because — because of technology and because of social media, so many things are changing, and social media has become a platform for so many different industries.

Why can’t poetry do the same?

Jeffrey Brown: But social media can also bite back. Kaur’s poetry has been the subject of frequent parody online, while some critics have questioned its literary merits.

And the title of Instagram poet, she says, comes with baggage.

Rupi Kaur: To be completely honest, I’m not OK with it. A lot of the readers are young women who are experiencing really real things, and they’re not able to talk about it with maybe family or other friends, and so they go to this type of poetry to sort of feel understood and to have these conversations.

And so, when you use that term, you invalidate this space that they use to heal and to feel closer to one another. And I think that’s when it becomes unfair.

Jeffrey Brown: Does it hurt you when the poetry is being critiqued as more therapeutic or more emotional, rather than real poetry?

Rupi Kaur: No, not really.

And it’s because I never really intended to get into the literary world. This is actually not for you. This is for that, like, 17-year-old brown woman in Brampton who is not even thinking about that space, who is just trying to live, survive, get through her day.

Jeffrey Brown: Kaur says social media, the thing that first connected her work to the world, can also be a cause of the pain that so many young people feel today.

Rupi Kaur: What happens when you’re so connected with other people through these things, you become so disconnected with yourself, and we find it so difficult to just sit with ourselves and just be alone.

Jeffrey Brown: And the poet who’s followed by so many on Instagram follows no one.

Rupi Kaur: What it teaches you is to put up your boundaries and really figure out, OK, this tool is so great, and it’s brought me so many great things, but I also need to protect myself if I want to continue to do what I’m doing.

Jeffrey Brown: Self-preservation.

Rupi Kaur: Oh, yes. Yes. And it’s like, I’m here to like be around for the long haul. Like, I’m not going anywhere. I want to be around until I’m 80.

And so I need to start some practices now, so that I can sort of continue on for the next 50 years.

(LAUGHTER)

Jeffrey Brown:

Kaur just wrapped up a North American tour. The next stops, India and Europe.

(Source: PBS)

Tuesday, 14 November 2017

How women from Punjab end up in ‘Gulf of slavery’

Women from Punjab’s Doaba taken to Saudi Arabia to work as maids fall prey to dubious travel agents, end up as slaves

It’s like someone died. But Gurbaksh Kaur — crying intermittently as relatives hug her — insists it’s her second birth. She returned from Saudi Arabia on November 4 after three months of “torture” while working for a family there. She’s crying because the fate of her daughter, Reena, 21, wasn’t known till two days ago.

Reena was finally home on Friday.

A school dropout, 40-year-old Gurbaksh worked as a cleaner at a college near Fateh Garhi Khan village in Shaheed Bhagat Singh Nagar (or Nawanshahr), for Rs 5,000 a month. Reena, younger to a brother and a sister, was ambitious ever since she completed Class 12 – the highest qualification in this Dalit peasant family.

Gurbaksh Kaur, back from Saudi Arabia, at her home in Fateh Garhi Khan village near Rahon in SBS Nagar district. (Keshav Singh/HT)
Ambition in this case — particularly in the Doaba region of Punjab — means going to the West. She tried for three years but did not get the required IELTS score. So, she settled for Malaysia. The mother thought of going with her. “Here in India, work meant washing utensils; how much worse could it be?” says Gurbaksh. They were promised Rs 18,000 a month each. Father Gurmail Ram had already invested Rs 50,000 in Reena’s IELTS training. “I sold off a part of my 10 marlas of land for Rs 1.6 lakh, and paid Rs 1.2 lakh to the agents,” he says.

FACELESS AGENTS
In July, Gurbaksh and Reena were dropped off at the Delhi airport by the family. An agent they call “Neha madam” was the contact. The mother was flown out first and the daughter three days later — to Saudi Arabia, not Malaysia.

“I worked for a family with 15 members, including 10 children. I was the lone servant. They did not consider me human,” says Gurbaksh.

She has since become the face of a growing menace in Punjab wherein women are taken to Saudi Arabia to work as maids, and then appear in videos on social media, crying over slavery-like conditions. The pattern involves a tweet by a political leader and the embassy then locating and deporting them.

In several cases, there is a contradiction as to whether the women went to the police or were handed over by “owners” after the case got highlighted. Gurbaksh says she was left on the road with a knife in hand. “The police arrested me, from where the return process began.”

IS IT THAT SIMPLE?
An agent in Rahon, 6 km away, Sukha Ram, says Gurbaksh may be speaking the truth, “but a lot of times it is a case of building a rosy picture to match imaginations”. He sends workers – masons, mechanics, et al – to the Gulf, “but no women”. “Even men get homesick and send videos seeking help. About 90% cases are such.”

The dreams make “gullible and poor” people trust fraudsters, he says. “The Gulf is a hot, sandy region, and you have to work hard – this has to be told. But these agents or sub-agents are faceless.”

Agent Sukha Ram at his office in Rahon. The office door has names of Gulf countries where he send workers.
(Keshav Singh/HT)
The faces that matter – of agents in Delhi and beyond – remain unidentified. Police register cases of cheating, but cash transactions and oral agreements mean little material evidence. “We’re working on locating this ‘Neha madam’,” says assistant sub-inspector Shah Ram, probing Gurbaksh’s case.

THE NETWORK
“Neha madam” resurfaces in a case 50 km away in Jalandhar’s Goraya town, where we meet Lal Chand, a mason-turned-musician whose wife Sonia Ram Murti, 42, went to Saudi Arabia around the same time, and has now sent a video in which she talks of “inhuman conditions”. She has wired Rs 18,000 a month regularly to Lal Chand, though.

In three videos sent via WhatsApp on Friday, she appealed to the Centre and Aam Aadmi Party MP Bhagwant Mann to help her. In the videos, she claims that she is leading a “miserable life” and that her landlord is “harassing” her physically and mentally for the last four months.

With daughters Sukhdeep (left) and Hardeep, Lal Chand talks about wife Sonia who has pleaded to be brought back from Saudi Arabia, in Atti village near Goraya in Jalandhar. (Keshav Singh/HT )
“She is sick there. Here, our youngest of three daughters, who is nine years old, has fever,” says Chand, whose legs have metal inserts after an accident three years ago. As he switched to music – a traditional occupation of sections of Dalits here – they met two dancers planning to go abroad. “We thought we’d rebuild our house – the smallest and oldest in the locality – with the money she’d make.” The two women got them to send Sonia’s passport to “Neha madam”.

When he went to drop off Sonia at the airport, he said, “They gave us the passport with the Dubai visa, and a bar of soap! Neha said this soap has the Saudi visa inside it and Sonia only has to give it to a contact person in Dubai. I thought it was illegal, but Sonia was so excited.”

Dubai is a favoured route for such trafficking. This was the case with Hoshiarpur’s Rina Rani, 38, whose mother lives in a village 5 km from Chand’s house. She was sent to Dubai on a tourist visa, trafficked to Saudi Arabia a year ago, only to start experiencing slavery-like conditions six months ago. That happened after she sought leave to come and help her mother — a cleaner here at Rs 100 a day — get medical help for a leg ailment.

Sonia Ram Murti in a video she sent over WhatsApp. (VIDEO GRAB)
Her case hit the headlines when her video went viral. In it, she too begs Bhagwant Mann for help. “She was brought to the embassy’s deportation centre and her papers are being processed,” says Sukhwinder Singh, a local AAP activist. He says there are 40 women like her at the centre: “Many are from Punjab. That’s why every other day there is a woman coming back with a tragic story.”

LARGER PICTURE
Every year, of the thousands who go to the Gulf for work, most are from southern states. In Saudi Arabia, maids from India are preferred besides Filipinos and Sri Lankans. An estimated 5 lakh maids have gone there from India.

“This boom in Punjab, particularly in Doaba that has a craze of going abroad, happened in the last two years,” says agent Sukha Ram. Agent Ashwani Kumar in Nawanshahr says it’s picked up pace lately after starting five years ago. “Now is the time for ‘return cases’, because people there are not hiring maids; they buy slaves!” he says.

The law says maids have to be 25-50 years old and be paid 1,200 Saudi Riyals (about Rs 21,000). Governments have been working on dealing with illegal hiring, but Saudis continue to underpay and mistreat maids; they even hire via Facebook.

There are only six authorised agencies for hiring in India, but none in Punjab.

“Sub-agents here take Rs 1 lakh to 1.5 lakh, but really make money from ‘slave buyers’ who deal with agents in Delhi,” says a sub-agent in Jalandhar. “It’s multi-level marketing.”

WHY DOABA?
Doaba has 40% Dalit population as against Punjab’s overall 32%, the highest proportion in India. This makes it ripe for such frauds. Sukha Ram says, “Aspirants must pay only after checking visa online and finding job conditions as depicted in the promise.”

Mann says, “How bad must conditions be in Punjab, that people go abroad even after knowing the harsh conditions!” He says he has 15 applications with him. “People approach me like I’m the foreign minister!” But he says he has got help every time from external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj despite their parties being rivals.

HEADLINE HUNTERS
There is a credit war too. “I gave the Sonia case to Jalandhar Congress MP Chaudhary Santokh Singh as locals asked me to take his help after Mann helped many,” says Sukhwinder.

Rina’s mother was even approached by a religious seminary to raise money to help her return. “They wanted to do a Facebook live but I found it awkward,” says Chand Rani. “I told her no money is required after the embassy came into the picture,” says Sukhwinder.

Chief minister Captain Amarinder Singh, too, took to Twitter earlier this week to assure Swaraj that the police have been asked to crack down on dubious agents.

In Gurbaksh’s case, the family used media attention. “I told her to send us a video over WhatsApp, which she did from the police station using a South African woman’s phone somehow,” says nephew Jaswant Kumar, “And then I called local channels and papers.”

Now that his wife and daughter are home, Gurmail says, “I just want our old life back, howsoever bad it may be.”

Elsewhere, the circle goes on. Agents are now issuing advertisements for work permits in New Zealand and Canada with “preference to the Gulf-returned”.

(Source: HT)

Thursday, 14 September 2017

Where many bhashas meet: The Bol of Indian cricket dressing room

The Indian cricket team’s dressing room is one place where languages meet and cultures melt. This is a place where the sophisticated Dada of Bengal is most comfortable with Virender Sehwag’s dry sense of humor, writes Nishant Arora, an award-winning cricket journalist, and the co-author of the best-selling book on Yuvraj Singh’s battle with cancer, on YKA. Read on: 

Sachin Tendulkar, the God of cricket, the mild mannered middle class Marathi has become the ‘Paji’ (elder brother) of Indian cricket. That’s how one generation, which is younger to him and the one after, fondly calls him. Around the early 2000s, when the likes of Harbhajan Singh and Yuvraj Singh walked into the Indian dressing room, they addressed him as “Paji”, and then it took over from there. So, it doesn’t matter if you are Zaheer Khan from Ahmednagar in Maharashtra, or Gautam Gambhir from Delhi, KL Rahul from Bengaluru or Mandeep Singh from Jalandhar, Sachin is Paji to all of them. That’s the power of language.

The Indian cricket team’s dressing room is one place where languages meet and cultures melt. This is a place where the sophisticated Dada of Bengal is most comfortable with Virender Sehwag’s dry sense of humor.

In the late 70s and early 80s, the difference of culture and region was huge and used to play a massive role in dressing room politics. That was also because in those times, Indian cricket was heavily divided into zones. The rivalries in domestic cricket were legendary and fierce. Therefore, the North Zone of Bishan Bedi was always a little skeptical about the West Zone of Sunil Gavaskar.

On the funny side, there are banters about music and the curse words in different languages. Obviously, in both, Punjabi music and Punjabi curse words win the race. (Photo: Saumya Pankaj/The Quint)
However, with the passage of time, these things faded, and under Sourav Ganguly, there was an evident effort to unify the fabric of Indian cricket. That’s the time when players made the most of diversity among the group. Javagal Srinath was an automatic mentor to the likes of Zaheer Khan and Ashish Nehra. Anil Kumble ensured that Harbhajan matures well as a spinner. The likes of Rahul Dravid and VVS Laxman were good sounding boards for Yuvraj Singh and MS Dhoni.

And since then, the mentor-mentee culture has thrived and prospered in Indian cricket. With the advent of the IPL, it has gone to new levels. It is the level where language or region or culture isn’t any hindrance. In fact, they are used to learn new things about cricket and life at large.

In the current set up, most of the players are keen and eager to learn from Virat Kohli. Kohli is the epitome of fitness and symbol of discipline. He is the ideal brand ambassador of how a modern cricketer should be and everyone is willing to observe and absorb from his work ethics. He is more than willing to share his experience and learnings from cricket and life.

On the field, every North Indian batsmen wanted to pick the typical ‘khadoos’ mindset of Mumbai batsmen. And on the contrary, South Indian players have been inspired by the flair and attacking mindset of North Indian players.

On the humorous side, there are banters about music and curse words in different languages. Obviously, in both, Punjabi music and Punjabi curse words win the race. Till today, Ganguly’s biggest challenge to Tendulkar is to speak fluent Bengali. Everyone knows two or three special Punjabi swears as you can’t survive without them. Srinath has always been in awe of North Indian player and their swag.

In the Punjab dressing room, the hilarious stories come from their ‘English day’, started by their seniors like Harbhajan Singh and Yuvraj Singh. (Photo: Saumya Pankaj/The Quint)
In the Punjab dressing room the hilarious stories come from their ‘English day’, started by their seniors like Harbhajan Singh and Yuvraj Singh, where every Sunday you have to speak in English only and if recorded, it will probably give a very good competition to “Comedy Nights with Kapil.”

This reflects in food as well. At the Eden Gardens dressing room, everyone expects good Mishti Dohi, and despite very strict diets, no one minds to cheat with one or two spoons of the local specialty. Down south in Vizag or Chennai, Dosas and Rasams are favorites for everyone in the dressing room. Every player swears by the Poha of Indore and Tandoori Chicken of Mohali.

Sourav’s room was flooded by Sachin. (Photo: Saumya Pankaj/The Quint)
Then there are friendships that are formed at an early age when most of them were playing junior cricket. At that time when no one knew them, when they lived away from the glamour and lived in dormitories to dream together, they forge bonds for life. Sourav’s room would always have Sachin come in, Virat knew everything about Ravindra Jadeja since his Under -16 cricketing days, and Mandeep Singh and KL Rahul are brothers in arms.

No other team in the world has such diversity of cultures, languages and faiths. And despite coming from such different backgrounds, their unity is a lesson. Communication is never a challenge. It doesn’t matter if you understand each other’s language or not. Eventually, they all speak the language of their religion. And that religion is cricket and they know the linguistics of cricket very well.

Tuesday, 25 July 2017

Drive through without paying toll fees if your wait time exceeds 3 minutes

Advocate Hari Om Jindal files an RTI to put an end to many commuters misery

I cannot remember the last time it took me less than three minutes to cross the toll plaza. There is invariably some hold-up; either the toll collectors do not have adequate change, or the driver is scrambling to get the money out once he reaches the toll gate. Whatever the reason might be, many other drivers waiting behind in line face the consequences.

Frustrated at being subjected to this wait day in and day out, Advocate Hari Om Jindal decided to find out what was causing this delay. Conversations with the toll officials didn’t yield any results, he says. “Those who man the toll booths are all junior level staff and would always conveniently pass the buck on to the next level.”

“I found it unacceptable that due to their inefficiency, the commuters were being put through so much hardship.”

Keeping this in mind, Hari Om started communicating with the National Highways Authority India (NHAI) and subsequently in 2016 filed a Right To Information petition. “I asked very pointed questions in my RTI and the answers I got were surprising.”

1. Total time required for a vehicle to wait for its turn in the queue, besides the 30 seconds provided for processing fees at the counter?
a. 2 minutes 50 seconds are required for a vehicle, to wait for its turn in the queue.

2. Are different times provided for the user counter and queue? Provide details.
b. No

3. If the total waiting time including the time spent in the queue surpasses 30 seconds, which means delay and harassment suffered by the commuters, what are the provisions for compensation to be paid by your office to the commuter?
c. There is total waiting time of 3 minutes. If the 3 minutes exceed in waiting then there is a provision to pass the vehicle free of cost.

4. In case of vehicle breakdown on the road, who can be contacted and what are the contact details?
d. In case vehicle breakdown, commuter can contact the toll free number 18001803636


Any grievance against the public services provided by the NHAI would be heard by a High Court alone. Hari Om challenged this and filed a complaint at the Consumer Forum. He says, “Since toll is not a tax, and is a service fee, for which the consumer must get a service in return (usage of the road), the aggrieved party must be allowed to file a complaint with the consumer forum.”

Approaching the High Court for a grievance of this nature is not only time consuming but will also cost the petitioner a lot more than the amount he would pay as toll. “Now a person in Gurgaon need not travel to Chandigarh to approach the High Court for redressal. He can do so by simply approaching the consumer forum in his city itself.”

By filing this complaint before the consumer forum and getting a favourable order, Hari Om has ensured that many more aggrieved persons come forward and seek redressal.

While the idea of waiting at a toll gate for not more than 3 minutes is a very good move, some implementation hiccups remain. For example, if one expects to be let through the tollgates free of cost after waiting for more than 3 minutes, how would it be explained to the toll operators that they have been waiting for that much time?

The need of the hour is to ensure that processes are streamlined to facilitate the smooth passage of traffic through the toll plazas.

Clarification: The 3 minute wait rule in Toll Plazas is not applicable Pan India. The rule as it stands now is applicable only in Punjab.

(Source: The Better India)