Sunday, 5 August 2018

Couple find 23-year-old message hidden in their bathroom

The places we live, which seem personal and private, will probably have been called home by numerous strangers.

Alex and Jess Monney, from San Jose, California, were reminded of this fact recently while refurbishing their bathroom.


Concealed behind the plasterboard was a message from Mr and Mrs Shinseki, and their pet rabbit Cassie, who lived in the house in 1995.

The couple wrote: "If you're reading this, that means you're remodelling the bathroom again. What's wrong with the way we did it?"

Mr Monney decided to share the note on social media.


On Twitter the photograph has been retweeted and liked thousands of times, and on Reddit it received more than 80,000 up votes - a sign of popularity.

The 23-year-old note has inspired others to share the objects and messages they have discovered hidden in their homes.

TJ Harris from Indiana replied with a photograph of the stack of Playboy magazines he and his wife discovered stashed in their bathroom wall.

The magazine on top of the pile was published in September 2000.
Mars Garrett, from Texas, explained how her father "routinely stopped by and gave the builders a six-pack of beer" as they built his house in the 1970s.

Mr Monney told the BBC the popularity of his post has "totally exceeded" his expectations.

"It's just nice to see that people are appreciating the positivity of the story."

While many posted images of the objects they had discovered hidden in the recesses of their houses, others shared that they had left notes for future residents.

Illandira Belore, said: "I have a house built in 1912, when we renovated we found notes. As we renovated we left notes of our own and a little 'time capsule' of sorts for whom ever gets the house after I am gone and remodels it."

Others chose more prosaic keepsakes to pass on to future occupants.

Mr Monney confirmed that he and his wife would leave their own note hidden behind the walls of the bathroom for future inhabitants to find.

"The funny thing is the renovation was supposed to be quick. We're expecting our first baby in four weeks, so we need to get moving on our message pretty soon."

Mr Monney told the BBC he thought the Shinsekis "seem like funny people" and that he would like to thank them "for the smiles" their note has brought.

(Source: BBC)


Saturday, 4 August 2018

How #MeToo revealed the central rift within feminism today

It’s not a generational divide, but rather a split between two competing visions of feminism – social and individualist, writes Moira Donegan in The Guardian. Read on: 

When the #MeToo moment began in earnest last October, many women felt optimistic, galvanised; others felt uncomfortable. As stories of abuse and harassment accumulated in the media, men began to experience consequences for their treatment of women. Some lost jobs, others were demoted, many faced public embarrassment. The careers of men such as Hollywood producer and alleged rapist Harvey Weinstein, masturbating comedian Louis CK, and predatory actor Kevin Spacey were declared dead. Others, like the groping chef Mario Batali, took a temporary “step back” from their public lives. A reckoning seemed to be underway, and many women felt that it was long overdue.

In the media and in private life, conversations about consent, hostile environments and power began, and there was a growing acknowledgment that a man’s unwanted sexual overtures were a symptom of broader social and political forces. Soon, these discussions were interrupted by hand-wringing and anger from male commentators – everyone from conservative columnist Andrew Sullivan to Donald Trump – who claimed the movement had gone too far before it really began. But unexpected divides emerged between feminists as well.


Some feminists urged caution; others wanted the reckoning to go further. But the most common complaint about #MeToo came from those who felt that the whole movement had very quickly become silly. Self-described feminists such as Daphne Merkin and Bari Weiss in the New York Times, Katie Roiphe in Harper’s, Germaine Greer in the Sydney Morning Herald and 100 French women in Le Monde complained that many of the incidents of harassment were too minor to warrant opprobrium. They argued that by grouping together such a wide spectrum of sexual misbehaviour, #MeToo had lost a sense of nuance. They called on women to toughen up. Whatever happened to no-nonsense rejections, they asked. Those who complained about harassment and assault, Merkin wrote, “perceive themselves to be as frail as Victorian housewives”. By this logic, women could solve the problem of sexual harassment and assault with good humour, patience and a high tolerance for pain.

This disagreement was quickly characterised in the media as generational. Older feminists, we were told – say, anyone over 40 – were sinisterly complicit, laughably outdated, or just too scared of overstepping. Younger women, depending on who you asked, were either righteously passionate, naively idealistic, or out for blood.

In part, this notion of a generational divide came from the feminist opponents and supporters of #MeToo themselves. In Harper’s, Roiphe derided the #MeToo movement as “Twitter feminism”, giving the impression that only narcissistic, social media-obsessed millennials want a reckoning over sexual assault. In her article criticising the direction #MeToo was taking, Bari Weiss emphasised the youth and naivety of an anonymous woman who made allegations against the comedian Aziz Ansari. Meanwhile, the feminist website Jezebel, whose readers and writers skew young, ran an article headlined “The Backlash to #MeToo is Second-Wave Feminism”, gesturing vaguely at a misguided crop of older feminist thinkers but not engaging much with those thinkers’ actual achievements and failures. Each side used age stereotypes, with varying degrees of cynicism – older women were crotchety or out of touch, younger women were egoists or spoiled children. None of this commentary seemed interested in the fact that the women coming forward with stories of sexual abuse were both young and old. #MeToo’s feminist detractors also come from different generations. At only 32, Weiss is young enough to be Merkin’s daughter, or Greer’s granddaughter.

The #MeToo moment and its backlash made it clear that there really was a divide among feminists, but analysis of that divide cast it as a mere catfight, or a screaming match between weary mothers and teenage daughters. The implication was that the feminist debate unfolding around #MeToo is a kind of routine domestic drama, something we’ve seen before.

This is a mistake. A closer look at the arguments being made by these two camps reveals a deeper, more serious intellectual rift. What’s really at play is that feminism has come to contain two distinct understandings of sexism, and two wildly different, often incompatible ideas of how that problem should be solved. One approach is individualist, hard-headed, grounded in ideals of pragmatism, realism and self-sufficiency. The other is expansive, communal, idealistic and premised on the ideals of mutual interest and solidarity. The clash between these two kinds of feminism has been starkly exposed by #MeToo, but the crisis is the result of shifts in feminist thought that have been decades in the making.

The central claim of the anti-#MeToo feminists is that the movement does not treat individual women as moral agents with the capacity to say no, to enjoy and pursue sex, and to do wrong. From this perspective, women who come forward about their experiences of harassment or assault should often be given more responsibility for those experiences than the rhetoric of #MeToo assigns them. This thinking partakes in a long moral tradition – one that’s highly compatible with capitalism – in which personal responsibility, independence, and willingness to withstand hardship are revered as particularly valuable virtues. It’s an ethos of pulling yourself up by your own bootstraps – from poverty into prosperity, or, in the anti-#MeToo feminists’ logic, from “feminine” victimhood into “masculine” strength. They believe that the pervasiveness of sexual harassment suggests that it is inevitable, and that the best response is not anger, but resolve. Theirs is a feminism that posits that individual women have the power to make choices to diminish the negative impact of sexism, and to endure any sexist unpleasantness that can’t be avoided – if only they have the grit to handle it.

On the other hand, there is the #MeToo movement. It might seem strange to assert that #MeToo can be spoken of as a single ideology at all – that this cultural moment, which has exposed such a broad array of bad behaviour across so many industries and disciplines, could ever be coherent enough to have an agenda. But #MeToo, as a social movement and as a personal gesture, makes certain assumptions that aren’t compatible with the intellectual habits of most mainstream feminisms that have preceded it. By saying “me too”, an individual woman makes herself a part of a broader group, and chooses to stand with others who have been harassed, assaulted or raped. This solidarity is powerful. It is still rare to see such a large group of women identifying their suffering as women’s suffering, claiming that they have all been harmed by the same forces of sexism, and together demanding that those forces be defeated.

 A #MeToo rally in New York, December 2017. Photograph: Zuma Wire/Rex/Shutterstock
In this light, the diversity and breadth of the #MeToo movement is not a weakness, but a strength. After all, if so many women, with so many different kinds of lives, have experienced the same sexist behaviour from men, then it becomes easier to believe that the problem goes beyond individuals and instead relates to wider cultural forces. The ubiquity of sexual harassment means that an individual can’t simply avoid it by making the right choices, or by steeling herself with forceful determination; the demand that she do so begins to look absurd.

Call it, then, a conflict between “individualist” and “social” feminisms. In part, the rift is between visions of how to undertake the feminist project, of which tactics are best: whether through individual empowerment, or through collective liberation. But there is a greater moral divide between these two strands of thought, because #MeToo and its critics also disagree over where to locate responsibility for sexual abuse: whether it is a woman’s responsibility to navigate, withstand and overcome the misogyny that she encounters, or whether it is the shared responsibility of all of us to eliminate sexism, so that she never encounters it in the first place.

This tension, between individualist and social feminisms, has dogged the women’s movement since its revival in the mid-20th century. According to the individualist model of feminism, personal responsibility, individual freedoms and psychological adjustments offer a woman meaningful routes out of the suffering imposed by patriarchy, and into equality with men. Many of the most famous western feminists have been working in this tradition. For instance, Betty Friedan, author of the hugely influential 1960s feminist text The Feminine Mystique, argued that sexist cultural codes prevent women from achieving personal happiness. Friedan, a psychologist by training, focused on the inner lives of white, American, middle-class women at midcentury. More recently, individualist feminism found a high-profile advocate when Sheryl Sandberg, the chief operating officer of Facebook, published her memoir-cum-manifesto Lean In in 2013. Sandberg laments the lack of women in leadership positions, and her book is a how-to manual for women with lofty corporate ambitions.

Social feminism has a similarly long, if less well-known, history. Soon after Friedan’s book became a bestseller, Italian feminists such as Leopoldina Fortunati and Silvia Federici began to formulate a different way of looking at the problems that women faced. As Marxists, they sought to analyse how men as a class related to women as a class. They were less interested in ideas of empowerment and self-actualisation than they were in divisions of labour, living conditions and cold, hard cash. They argued that so-called “women’s work” – everything from mopping floors to dressing wounds to breastfeeding, cooking, prostitution, laundry and tending to the elderly – should not only be seen as work, but as essential to the capitalist wage-labour system. If men did not have these functions performed for them at home, these women argued, they would not be able to return to work and produce effectively. Male work in the factory relied upon female work in the home.

When Federici’s Wages for Housework campaign launched in 1972, it attracted fierce public debate – first in Italy, and then in the US after Federici moved to New York and opened a Wages for Housework office in Brooklyn. The political mainstream found Federici’s idea ridiculous. Could she really mean that a woman should be paid for scrubbing the floors in her husband’s house? But the movement relied on the understanding that a wage was necessary for work to be seen as work, and for the people who did it to be seen as worthy of dignity and protection. More a rhetorical device than an immediate policy prescription, the demand “wages for housework” relied on a conception of women as a “class” in the same sense as a class of workers – a group of people with something in common who could organise on behalf of their shared interests.

The Wages for Housework movement fizzled out, but its influence has lived on in campaigns for racial justice, gay rights, housing rights and sex workers’ rights. Behind Wages for Housework lay the idea that women’s oppression was widespread, that it had common features even for women who lived very different lives, and that it was more than just a personal experience – it was a political phenomenon. But because sexism beats so many people down, that also meant that there was a community of women who could pull each other up. Those who experience gendered oppression can band together to end it.

Betty Friedan, author of The Feminine Mystique, in 1986. Photograph: Bettmann Archive
Something similar is at stake in #MeToo’s assertions that sexual harassment and assault are systemic, and that women can unite to demand an end to them. While individualist feminists such as Friedan and Sandberg have examined the problem of sexism by zooming in, to consider women’s psyches and attitudes, Wages for Housework zoomed out, to examine how women were oppressed by the economic forces of capitalism. #MeToo has a less ideological, more ad hoc approach to its analysis of patriarchy. But its gesture proceeds from the assumption that misogyny is structural, and that women have a shared interest in fighting it.

This does not mean that #MeToo treats all women’s experiences as the same. The movement has included stories from women of different races, orientations and religions. It has brought testimony from women who are rich and poor, healthy and chronically ill, cis and trans, famous and anonymous. This variety has led to an increasing acknowledgment that misogyny takes different forms, and that not all women have access to the same tools used to mitigate it.

At its best, #MeToo’s social feminism has been heavily influenced by black American feminist scholars such as Kimberlé Crenshaw, whose work aims to confront the combined nature of racism and sexism in the lives of black women, and to analyse how, for the people who experience both racism and sexism, the phenomena don’t feel distinct at all. In her 1989 legal article Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex, Crenshaw called for a new way of understanding oppression that she referred to as “intersectionality”. Put very simply, this meant taking into account the ways that oppression looks different for different people, and how individuals experience oppression along more than one axis at once. In practice, Crenshaw’s approach suggests that an effective movement against patriarchal oppression must also confront other systemic inequalities – ones that lend power and viciousness to many women’s experiences of sexism.

Intersectionality has given #MeToo a more expansive understanding of sexual harassment and assault. The gesture of saying “me too” implies solidarity with all women who have had these experiences, but the form the movement has taken has also allowed for it to be a specific, personal declaration, and for those testimonies to come from women with different stories and in different circumstances. For every anti-#MeToo feminist who scornfully asks, “Why didn’t you just leave?”, there have been dozens of women explaining the circumstances of their lives that effectively barred the door. Often, these stories have made it heartbreakingly clear that not everyone can risk their job by giving a firm, uncompromising “no” to a handsy boss or coworker; that not everyone can afford to call an emergency cab; that not everyone has the privileges that make it easy to act in the ways that the individualist feminists so often prescribe.

#MeToo’s sheer number of testimonies has vindicated theories of sexism as a universal, but not uniform, force –that is, as something that every woman will experience, but that every woman will experience in different ways. But in its solidarity, its public gesture of women coming together to demand an end to harassment and assault, the movement also continues the tradition of women’s class consciousness, unity and need for confrontation with systemic injustice. Call it the “too” of #MeToo: the understanding that meaningful liberation from misogyny will only be achieved collectively, with changes at the structural, cultural and institutional levels. Social feminism does not aspire to enable a few women to gain positions of power in patriarchal systems. It’s not about giving women “a seat at the table”. It’s about taking the table apart, so that we can build a new one together.

This is not a simple proposition. As an approach, social feminism has real flaws, though its most significant weaknesses are not the ones that #MeToo’s prominent critics choose to address. The real weakness of social feminism is not that it encourages women to be oversensitive about discomforts, but that it is so broad. The call for women to unite can overlook the kinds of pain and conflict that can exist between them.

After all, who do we mean when we talk about “women”? What experiences or conditions, exactly, do we identify as common to all women? It is difficult to generalise about so many people at once, and questions of injustice, inequality and privilege mean that doing so puts us at the risk of ignoring vital differences. Women are a varied bunch, and they encounter intersecting oppressions that are not of patriarchy’s exclusive making: racism, classism, ability and sexuality. Often, these oppressions are enforced by other women. There are vast gulfs that separate women from one another: gulfs of racism and money, of colonialism, bigotry, history, resentment, defensiveness, ignorance and hurt. It can be very hard to see each other across them.

#MeToo, however, has made it clear that solidarity among women is possible. The working definition of “women”, as #MeToo has constructed it, can be understood simply: as everyone who has experienced misogyny. It’s a bleak kind of solidarity, this acknowledgment of shared suffering. But #MeToo has transformed that mournful acknowledgment into something much more hopeful. If the #MeToo movement has prompted many women to focus on misogynist behaviour with a unifying grief and anger, it has also led many of them to contemplate our shared power and common vision for a different world. When the social feminists of #MeToo call for changes that would make harassment, assault and other forms of misogyny rare, their very act of collective imagining makes such a world more possible: the more we stand together in this demand, the easier it becomes to imagine a world where respect is common, where cruelty is rare, where all of us think with more empathy and intelligence about the lives of others, and where being women will not doom us to suffering or limitation.

American legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw. Photograph: Felix Clay for the Guardian
Again, this is an old debate: whether feminism’s aim should be to transform society, or to better equip individual women to navigate within it. But why, then, has this clash been framed as generational, when it is clear that the two visions of feminism have been doing battle for decades? Part of it, of course, is ageism and incuriosity – the reflexive tendency to presume that the old are too timid and the young are too reckless. And there is the idea, unique to feminism among all other strands of political thought, that feminism is a social movement that must occur in discrete, coherent and temporal “waves”.

But another reason why #MeToo has been framed as a generational conflict is because the individualist feminists of the anti-#MeToo backlash have framed their own resistance to the movement as grounded in wisdom, realism and, above all, maturity. To them, all this talk of a reimagined, recreated new world sounds hopelessly naive. Daphne Merkin summed up the tenor of the anti-#MeToo assessment in her article in the New York Times, when she wrote to the women coming forward: “Grow up, this is real life”.

This is a common, but still very strange belief: that the epitome of maturity and personal strength is the resigned acceptance that the world cannot be better than it is, that we cannot be kinder to one another, that male entitlement, crassness and predation are permanent and unchangeable and must be endured. It is a bizarre conception of strength, one that dismisses as childish weakness any demand for a better world, any hope that things might one day be different. There is a way of thinking that makes this approach by the anti-#MeToo feminists seem strong and pragmatic. But there is another way of thinking that makes it seem very sad.

In her book Trauma and Recovery, about the treatment of rape victims and other psychiatric patients who have undergone horrible abuse, the Harvard psychiatrist Judith Herman writes of the temptation to sympathise with a patient’s abuser. “It is very tempting to take the side of the perpetrator,” she writes. “All the perpetrator asks is that the bystander do nothing. He appeals to the universal desire to see, hear, and speak no evil. The victim, on the contrary, asks the bystander to share the burden of pain.” Something similar may be at work in the anti-#MeToo feminists’ desire to advocate for an individualist feminism. Their call to sympathise more with the perpetrators of sexual assault, and to place greater responsibility for those assaults on the choices of women who experience them, is part of an effort not to feel implicated in the suffering of others, not to share that burden of pain. #MeToo and the reckoning that it has provoked has given us all knowledge we would rather not have – knowledge of just how normal some terrible things are, of just how much some of us have suffered. The anti-#MeToo feminists of the world are not the only ones who feel tempted to look away. I urge them not to.

Friday, 3 August 2018

Barack Obama shares the three questions you need to ask before choosing a life partner

'Life is long. These are the things that really matter over the long term'

Barack and Michelle Obama’s relationship is routinely exalted as the type of union to which we all should aspire. The former president not only showers his former first lady with praise in speech after speech, but frequently shares tender messages to her on social media.

If you were pondering the secret to their 25 years of wedded bliss, a major hint can be found in the three questions Mr Obama recommends people wondering whether they have found Mr or Ms Right ask themselves.

In his new book Yes, We (Still) Can, Dan Pfeiffer, Mr Obama’s former communications director, shares a revealing conversation he had with his boss on his last day back in 2015.


As the pair discussed future plans, Mr Pfieffer opened up about his relationship.

“So are you guys moving together? This is the one, huh?” he recounted Mr Obama asking him.

Mr Obama is then said to have imparted the pearls of wisdom.

“Here’s the advice I give everyone about marriage: is she someone you find interesting?” Mr Pfeiffer quoted Mr Obama as saying in an excerpt from the book recently shared on social media.

Mr Pfeiffer admits the question baffled him initially, but Mr Obama sought to clarify it, saying: “You will spend more time with this person than anyone else for the rest of your life, and there is nothing more important than always wanting to hear what she has to say about things.”

The next two questions were more straightforward.

"Does she make you laugh? And I don't know if you want kids, but if you do, do you think she will be a good mum?" he continued.

"Life is long. These are the things that really matter over the long term,” he told Mr Pfeiffer.

After pondering the former president’s questions for a moment, he replied his partner was "incredibly interesting, funnier than I am and will be a phenomenal mum".

Mr Obama later went on to attend his wedding.

The former first couple, both Chicago natives, met in the late 1980s at a local law firm called Sidley & Austin. At the age of just 25, Michelle was assigned as a mentor to an associate, a charismatic young man with a ready smile called Barack.

Michelle resisted when he first asked her out, once saying in an interview that she felt it would be “tacky" if they started dating because they were ”the only two black people“ at the company.

But she did not put up a fight for long. They started stepping out together that summer. By 1991 they were engaged, with the wedding the following year.

In May, she shared a photo from their October 1992 nuptials, saying the pair are “still having fun”.

“Twenty-five years later, we’re still having fun, while also doing the hard work to build our partnership and support each other as individuals,” the former first lady wrote.

“I can’t imagine going on this wild ride with anybody else.”

(Source: The Independent)

Thursday, 2 August 2018

‘We believed we could remake ourselves any way we liked’: How the 1990s shaped #MeToo

While promising liberation and endless possibility, the culture of the decade drove us relentlessly in pursuit of perfection, writes Eve Fairbanks in The Guardian. Read on: 

I have been at that door so many times. The one you walk through into his apartment, or let him through into yours, and something shifts. It’s as quick as the click when the optometrist slides a new lens into the eye-test machine: a clear, almost weightless little sliver of a thing, but with the power to make the world resolve into clarity – or blur out, leaving you nauseous and unbalanced.

Once, it was the door to the celebrated journalist’s apartment that I stumbled through, aged 21. I’d taken a train to New York to meet him for career advice and, unexpectedly, he had suggested we meet at a bar, then bought me several martinis. But then again, I drank them. Whose fault was the sex that ensued? And then there was the door to an AirBnB I rented in Uruguay in 2014, with a pushy local journalist I had just met trailing behind me. As I fumbled with my keys, I remember thinking: how did I get here?

Me too. Isn’t that frightening? That almost every woman today can say these words? Finally, we are having a conversation about the sexual harassment – and the sexual encounters – that have left us feeling damaged. And yet there’s a kind of uncertainty still hovering around the unfolding conversation – something still tucked into the shadows. Some people have said women are being inconsistent, re-remembering encounters they hadn’t had a problem with at the time. Others wonder why women – particularly young women – are feeling so fragile, acting as if they have been terribly wounded by something as apparently minor as a leer.

Complaints about boorish behaviour or lame one-night stands, this critique goes, have the potential not only to delegitimise real accusations of rape, but #MeToo’s whole message. When a writer recently accused the novelist Junot Díaz of “forcibly kissing” her (which he denied) and other women came forward to say Díaz had acted aggressively towards them in public, a friend of mine in her 40s – a feminist who writes with empathy about women who kill their abusive partners – worried that Diaz was being pilloried for “assholery”, not legally actionable crimes. Just after saying that, though, this friend began to recount her own first kiss. The boy had shoved her hard up against a fence. She started to laugh, as if to pass it off as a wacky youthful memory, like a zit popping during a job interview. But it was clear something in her still wanted to cry.

 illustration by Nate Kitch
The problem is, it’s this ill-defined area between “assholery” and attempted rape that troubles many women. This is hard to talk about, and increasingly so, as we perceive the damage that just remembering can apparently wreak. When I asked if it was “the right time” to write about my experience with the New York journalist, another male writer said to me, “Hell, no!”, telling me that “careers are being ruined”. But I don’t want to ruin anybody’s career.

We are having these conversations at last, but we are not talking much about the historical context. I think this is the key to understanding how women are feeling now. For me, born in 1983, the context was the 90s – a peculiar era, caught between the confidence that there had been fabulous progress in the relationship between the sexes, and the smouldering remnants of a past in which bold women were feared and ridiculed.

In the 1990s, the pressure on young people to succeed was intense. Women’s bodies and their sexual choices became the focus of ever-harsher scrutiny, and the expectation was that they would be perfect.

I remember leaving my childhood home for college in 2001. Among the items I packed were a pair of what everybody then was calling “fuck-me boots”: knee-high black leather boots with a four-inch heel. Like my textbooks, I felt the fuck-me boots were preparing me for adulthood – for a decisive step out of the self-doubt of my teens. It wasn’t that I associated adulthood with fucking. It was more that I was determined to become the kind of woman who was fuckable in just the right way. I still remember the look I gave myself in the mirror I’d pasted on the back of my dorm-room door the first night I put the boots on, to wear to a frat party, along with a slash of lipstick in berry pink. It was a look of wonder and hope: it felt like a magic mirror, and with those boots on I could stare myself into what I wanted to become.

The hopes of the end of the millennium were the mirror in which I saw myself. But the young woman there was only a picture. In flesh and blood, by the time I became a woman, I had already been singed by those smouldering embers of the past. And thus, I entered adulthood as two people: the image my era wanted me to be, and the other woman, the hidden one, the one with a body.

It’s 1993. I’m almost 10. In apartments across the US, Madonna’s new book, Sex, graces coffee tables, the cover depicting her in the throes of an orgasm. My family has just moved from the city to a house in the suburbs. My parents gave me – the child – the “master bedroom”. It had a wall-length closet covered in mirrored doors. I woke up every day staring at myself.

It was a narcissistic decade, but it was a strange narcissism, premised on the idea we could remake ourselves any way we liked, virtually from scratch. People came home from vacations in Germany with pieces of the Berlin Wall; the feeling was not that they’d got a memento of German reunification, but a piece of the ultimate wall, some figurative wall whose crumbling represented the tumbling-down of a whole world. My father, a former Reagan administration official, filled up our house with kitsch he found on trips to Moscow. Muddling around for the house keys, I’d touch medallions of Stalin and Lenin in the bowl in the hall.

The message I got from these objects was that enmity, conflict, maybe even pain – all the kinds of things my parents told me they’d had to fear as kids in the early 60s, when their schoolteachers made them hide under their desks in case of a Soviet nuke – were all some kind of big joke. We could keep Stalin in our house as an amusement, like those 19th-century Europeans who displayed the shrunken heads of conquered Polynesian tribes.

Unmanageable male lust was one of those things we hoped would become a kind of relic that we didn’t take all that seriously. Men in that decade’s pop culture tended to be harmless – think the goofs of Seinfeld and Friends. One of the bestselling American books of the early 90s, You Just Don’t Understand: Women and Men in Conversation, reassured readers that resolving miscommunications between the sexes was actually easy, if we just understood how to do it. Solutions were big then. A couples therapist named Harville Hendrix sold hundreds of thousands of copies of a guide called Getting the Love You Want, which unravelled “the mystery of romantic attraction” and answered “humanity’s yearning” in just 384 pages.

‘She told us we didn’t have to believe in bad things anymore’ … Oprah Winfrey in 1996.
Photograph: Chris Kasson/AP
I remember my early girlhood as surrounded by a shimmering halo of possibility. Explaining the long-term inconveniences of an oesophageal surgery I’d had as an infant, my pediatrician told me with a wink that the only thing I could never be was an astronaut: as if, without that little fault, I’d have definitely gone to Mars. My friends and I loved the cartoon The PowerPuff Girls: “Sugar, spice, and everything nice,” the narrator intoned. “These were the ingredients chosen to create the perfect little girl. But Prof Utonium accidentally added a can of whoopass to the concoction!” The PowerPuff Girls combined traditional female perfection (Mary Jane shoes, pigtails) with post-feminist female badassery (they whooped bad guys).

The success of MTV’s Real World – not, it was clear, real – confirmed that reality didn’t really matter; the only things that had to be real were our dreams. Oprah was the preacher of that decade. She told us we just didn’t have to believe in bad things any more. Fear, she said, was a useless emotion; it was all in our minds. Failure and lasting heartbreak were the monsters of the human childhood, which just vanished as soon as we opened the closet door. Her frequent guest, the motivational author Iyanla Vanzant, told a live audience in New York: “You can use words to totally redefine reality. What I do when I hear myself say ‘can’t’ is, I cancel it out. Cancel the word. Cancel the thought. You shouldn’t have any ‘problem’. ‘Problem’ means you are powerless. ‘Problem’ means you are weak. Say ‘divine opportunity’.”

Great expectations were especially great for girls. An op-ed my dad clipped from the New York Times quoted a female CEO declaring that “the successful women I know and meet [no longer] find themselves at war with men”, and that “today’s woman may be a full-time mother. Or she can work for someone else or herself. Or she can do both at the same time.” Elizabeth, the heroine of the 90s young-adult series Sweet Valley High, was nerdy, driven and a cub reporter for her school newspaper. But unlike previous such pseudo-feminist heroines, likesuch as Nancy Drew, she wasn’t also plain or awkward. She was gorgeous.

It wasn’t clear how men would fit into the picture of young 90s women’s futures. What guy on Seinfeld or the Simpsons could keep up with an ambitious woman? The lead male character in American Pie, the classic 90s comedy, tried to fornicate with a pastry.

In sex education classes, we spent endless time watching videos of sperm penetrating an egg, or labelling diagrams of the testes; there was no sense of a real man connected to these sexual organs, but there was a firm message of fear. Our instructors terrified us with stories of how condoms could fail, exposing us to STIs that would destroy our potential; we were taught about sex in the same classes as hard-drug awareness, implying it was a bit like cocaine, a quick thrill that could prove ruinous.

Though we were supposed to be the first generation that didn’t need men in a material sense, my friends and I in high school were absolutely obsessed with guys. We talked about little else. We didn’t know what men were for, but I think we wondered whether they could turn out to be the secret key – a kind of final stage in our self-development, or a confirmation that we had become as awesome as we were supposed to be. When I think back to that time, I remember a scene from my favorite teen TV show, Dawson’s Creek. Pacey, a boy, tried to tell two of his female friends about a serial killer who was reportedly stalking the region. “He cuts out women’s hearts,” he warned. Joey, a girl, just laughed. Jen, the other girl, smiled beatifically and said: “He’s probably just looking for love.” A powerful enough woman, in other words, could be a literal alchemist, turning even the worst heart-eating murderer into a good guy.

There was something else, though. In 1991, on my parents’ TV, I watched Anita Hill testify that Clarence Thomas, a conservative supreme court nominee, had sexually harassed her. In the end, Thomas took his seat on the court. A CBS-New York Times poll suggested fewer than 20% of Americans had a “favourable” opinion of Hill, and nearly half of Democrats did not believe her testimony. Even those who felt Hill was courageous often saw her as brassy – in some sense, the harasser herself. The year after that, I followed the gory story of how Lorena Bobbitt hacked off part of her husband’s penis. He had abused her, but my friends started to use “Bobbitt” as a verb for freaking out – referring to Lorena, not the abusive husband. And, when I was 13, I gobbled up all the details of the death of Princess Diana.

Female ambition was purportedly encouraged. But when it actually manifested in a real woman, it was often depicted as deadly, contradictory or grotesque. When Fergie, the Duchess of York, tried to recover from her divorce by entering business, a nasty Independent article, written by two women, mocked her efforts: “Goodness, she would have a jolly good go at anything!” Donald Trump had a tower and a plane, but it was Imelda Marcos, the wife of Philippine dictator Ferdinand, with her vast collection of shoes, who became the decade’s symbol of greed. In her 1991 biography of Nancy Reagan, Kitty Kelley accused the president’s wife of secretly “ruling the White House with a Gucci-clad fist”. Diana was applauded for rejecting her ugly prince. But she was also painted as reckless for getting killed with her playboy lover in a car chase with paparazzi.

Around the time the Bobbitts were in the news, I started to become very fearful. I wrote diary entries. Anxiety – over my grades, over the need to be perfect – was a theme. “I will get better and better at sledding,” I encouraged myself. I impressed on myself the need to be good, even at the things I did just for fun. “Goals: to work harder. Spend more time on homework and less time drifting away and ending up with my nose in a book.” After a report card came home, I mourned: “As the grownups say, I am not living up to my potential.” I was eight years old.

Coexisting with the sense of limitless possibility was a strong counterstrain of dread. If life in the late 20th century could theoretically be perfect, then any wrong step was potentially catastrophic. On an Oprah episode called Stranger Danger, an “anti-abduction” specialist taught a group of very young children how to evade potential kidnappers by doing things such as jumping into rubbish bins or kicking out the brake lights of the car if a paedophile locked them in the boot. “Fantastic way to signal the police,” he’d say.

The kids in the show, though, struggled to contain giggles. In that situation, who would remember to kick out the brake light? I remember learning stuff like this – the sinkholes to misfortune I might stumble across in the future, and how to tiptoe around them – and just laughing, too. It felt so much easier, and more powerful, to imagine danger just didn’t exist or could be risen above, as the girls in Dawson’s Creek did, than to acknowledge we could screw up our glittering destinies.

 Katie Holmes and James van der Beek in Dawson’s Creek. Photograph: Channel 4/imagenet
At 16, I got my first boyfriend. But I couldn’t enjoy it. I was timid and terrified, unable to voice my feelings or concerns. I felt muzzled by contradictions: love could be everything; love was a distraction. He wasn’t the right guy; he might be the right guy and I would blow it. I had become detached from my real instincts, because love was an achievement, rated, in some vague way, by outside forces.

When my boyfriend grew depressed and increasingly angry, I felt I had to figure out how his behaviour was actually due to my actions. As a young woman, the infinite power I’d been told I had turned out to have given me infinite responsibility – and that was a terrible burden. He was like a gear in the complicated but glorious machine I was assembling called my life, and if he went wonky, it must be my fault.

I spent a lot of time sobbing in car parks. When I broke up with him, I brought him a fruit basket. I wanted so much for a bad thing to be good, to make a “divine opportunity”. As I got in my car to leave, he threw himself under the front wheels. The emotion I recall is numbness, a sense of profound dissociation. The more messed-up the evening got, the more I had to pretend it was almost funny, a “crazy” story I would later tell my girlfriends – proof of promising qualities I had been assured of in magazine personality quizzes, like adventurousness and a willingness to let life unfurl in all its wackiness.

The writer Andrew Solomon has explored the lives of prodigies, gifted children burdened from a very young age by great expectations. The experience, he writes, is “isolating, mystifying, petrifying”. I think many millennial women, and not just the wealthiest ones, had youths a little like prodigies. We were invested with the hope that the suffering of generations of women who had gone before us hadn’t been in vain. Recently, a friend told me that her mother got into Harvard in the 1970s but chose not to go because of the explicit inequalities for women that remained there. “They had a male-only library. She wasn’t allowed to be in the marching band,” she said. My friend felt that her mother was in awe – even jealous – of our condition, apparently freed from that overt discrimination. My friend recalled that she grew up being told: “This is how good you get it. You get to live in this time when everything is possible.”

My mother, the nerdy daughter of penniless Polish immigrants, loved literature and music. But, when she applied to college, her father insisted she study science, and she did so, because daddy was still king in the 60s. Defeated, she dropped out. She felt, I think, trailed by the shadow of opportunities denied. Her determination that I not screw up my special opportunity became, at times, overwhelming. When I came home with a B in geometry, I got chewed out as if I had written off the car. When I looked deep into my mother’s eyes, sometimes I thought I saw a plea: tell me you are going to make it.

It sounds paradoxical, but all the power we were told we had led often not to courage, but to hesitation, rationalisation, even self-hatred and self-harm. It was portrayed as a liberation to have the chance to be everything all at once, brainy and gorgeous. But in practice, it was crushing: if we could be anything, we had to be ideal.

The beauty rituals of the 90s focused on scraping, plucking and driving out. We knew we had to be godly, so we became like monks, obsessed with flaying ourselves and exorcising the evidence of sin within us in the form of stray hairs and blackheads, which we cruelly tried to rip off of our delicate faces with special tape. Our 90s models of beauty – Kate Moss, Posh Spice – were hollow-eyed, so blemishless and skinny that they seemed to be melting away. The beloved teen magazine Seventeen played the role of our advisor on romance, and it was a harsh tutor, reminding us incessantly of all the ways we could fail. One recurring feature was the quiz, dedicated to helping young women identify and root out their neuroticisms. “Quiz: Do You Play Mind Games?”, “Are You Overreacting?”, “Are You Paranoid?” Another feature was “550 Guys on First Moves and the Worst Thing a Girl Could Do”.

 Kate Moss in 1994. Photograph: Peter Lindbergh/PA
We were rated on everything. I got graded at summer camp. In high school, we took the Myers-Briggs type-indicator test, which adjudicated our entire personalities and generated quantitative values for our traits; we could even be rated on how much we liked to have fun. This was the insidiousness of the decade’s philosophy: in the guise of liberation, it swallowed up everything and directed it towards incessant self-perfection.

Educators who work with prodigies know they often become paralysed because any action at all would be a betrayal of the ideal performance. Or they start to sabotage themselves. Many girls I knew began to cut themselves. Young-adult novels began to proliferate in which the teenage protagonists became grievously ill, bedridden, or died. In recalling her thoughts of suicide, the writer Porochista Khakpour described it as the only choice that had not yet proved itself imperfect.

In an environment where being extraordinary is never quite enough, being dramatically, pointedly off the mark becomes a way to get attention. A friend of mine and I privately called the girls who cut themselves the “Arrogant Suicidals”. We assumed they were doing it to stand out.

It makes me sick to recall that I presumed feeling suicidal could be just another performance. But it might have been, at times, because everything was. The longer everybody tried to be amazing, the harder we all had to look for marks of distinction in paradoxical places.

We longed so much to step or fall off the narrow tightropes we walked. In the early days of the internet, a lot of kids my age took a quiz called the “Purity Test”. Among the hundreds of questions were ones such as:

“Have you used a drug to lower someone’s inhibitions about sexual activity?”

“Have you had sex with a woman who was asleep and she didn’t wake up?”

“Have you ever accepted money for sex?”

“Have you ever masturbated into a houseplant?”

It wasn’t entirely clear whether it was good or bad to get a low score – to be “pure” – but I recall it was judicious to be pure and cool to be impure, and we kind of had to be both.

The people who designed the purity test were high achievers: students at MIT. I suspect the test reflected fantasies of getting off the dizzying fast track. But it’s telling, and sad, that their fooling around also yielded a grade. In the end, “impurity” was just another proof of accomplishment. In the test’s logic, prostitution and rape were almost wickedly charming, marks of daredevil extraordinariness. Early on in the iconic 90s film American Beauty, Angela, the movie’s ingenue, fields creepy attention from an older, married man. She converts that problem into a divine opportunity.

“If people I don’t even know look at me and want to fuck me, I really have a shot at being a model, which is great!” she says. “Because there’s nothing worse in life than being ordinary.”

Years later, in 2014, on a reporting trip to Montevideo, I hosted a dinner for local artists and journalists. One of them gave me the eye across the table. We ended up at a bar. He walked me home to my AirBnB. We went upstairs. I recall these steps as feeling both discomfiting and inevitable, as if someone else was moving my feet. The whole time I walked, I thought brightly: I can always go back.

But I couldn’t. My first step towards the AirBnB had arisen from a wish to be fancy-free – but then it became a rule. For if I’d had the power in that situation, then I’d have been able to make the best choice at any given time. To stop walking, to change my mind, was to admit that I had made a mistake, been stupid – a crippling admission.

After I let him into my AirBnB, he dropped his pants and blocked the door with his body. Now this was real. This was bad. This was the point at which I was supposed to kick out the brake light of the car to signal the police. But all I could manage was to feebly voice what had become for me, by then, a go-to excuse for ending such encounters: that my vagina was broken. I said it had a “disorder”.

Unfortunately, my excuse didn’t work. He just grinned and said: “Maybe mine will be the dick that will fix that for you.” Horrible – but wasn’t that kind of always the hope? That a man would come along and put the last piece into the not-yet-quite-perfect puzzle of our feminine lives?

It felt awkward, even childish, to hit him or to scream. I also felt I owed him a long explanation for my inconsistency, even though I had not yet managed to explain it to myself. Suffocating under contradictions, I just lay back and resigned myself. I think so many of us resigned ourselves to situations that were wrong, not because we were powerless, but because we thought this was the way for us to experience our power. To shove the man, or to scream, felt like an admission to myself I had misjudged the situation in the first place, and I’d always been taught that to lose control of a situation was a mark on your character. A failure.

I trekked to his office the next morning to return a sweater he’d left behind. He gave me a warm smile, which I returned with a queasy one. I didn’t know what to think of myself, and in that void, I didn’t want to seem inconsistent. I think he thought my solicitousness meant I’d had a good time. And why shouldn’t he have? How could he have known all the fears and concerns I had brought in with me to that AirBnB, when we, as a culture, go so terribly far to conceal them?

But I’ve thought of Montevideo during the #MeToo conversation. There are many of these kinds of ambiguous yet heartbreaking encounters that women have not yet voiced. Some commentators have fretted about “evolving standards” – as if all of a sudden women just decided that things they used to be cool with aren’t so cool any more. There is surprise at some of the #MeToo stories – when strong women such as Amy Schumer reveal that they endured abuse, sometimes for years. But it all makes sense to me. We aren’t changing our standards. We are remembering things. Why should we be surprised that women are only now remembering, or understanding, what really happened to them, when, in the time that so many of us came of age, we told ourselves that everything we knew about life and human behaviour could be forgotten, that we had left the past behind?

How many times have I recounted a truly scary or hurtful encounter with a man to my girlfriends as a jolly story? But, it turns out, it just isn’t funny or adventurous to see your boss masturbate on a houseplant. It’s traumatic. There are, perhaps, only so many times a woman can deny the impact of such experiences before she loses it. Every one of them dredges up the memories of the others, cumulatively, until one day a stranger whistles at you on the street, or you read an account of some random celebrity’s misdeeds, and you find yourself raving on Twitter like a person who has been halfway destroyed.

Yes, some of these experiences are minor. But what’s behind them is not. Love as triumph, love as ruin. Sex as weightless, sex as incredibly freighted. Men as pointless, men as the whole point of life’s game. Women as witches, magicians; women so fragile they cut themselves open in high-school bathrooms. Women as careful, women as carefree.

In some of the #MeToo critiques, I perceive an anger that younger women weren’t the perfectly empowered people their elders had hoped they would be. The older generation had prepared the ground, after all, and fought their battles. To acknowledge how younger women have struggled would entail a painful admission that the battles of previous generations may not have been won as decisively as they had hoped. We were told, decades ago, that we were starring in a totally new story, and that we didn’t have to experience any of these painful conflicts. But that only made our ultimate experience of them more painful.

Nine months after it began, I sense an ebbing of some energy around #MeToo – a tiredness; perhaps an acknowledgement that the contradictions and painful realities it revealed are too big to solve fast. Frantically firing offending males may make it harder for women to tell their complex stories. But the suffering of men who have been publicly accused of sexual assault or misconduct must not shut us up now, either. I want more stories. I want more curiosity about the complexity of women’s lives – instead of a panicky retreat from the conversation.

We would like to believe that clearer rules around “positive consent” will put an end to much of this difficulty. But I worry a little about “positive consent”. It still puts the onus on the woman to perfectly manage the situation – this time with non-verbal cues, communicating desire or retreat with a flicker of the eye. It wasn’t a better description of “consent” that I needed while growing up. I was taught endlessly what I should and shouldn’t consent to for my life not to go wrong. All that emphasis on all my power to make things turn out right ended up paralysing me.

I lacked a perception of what I wanted. I think that’s one of the things that lurks in the shadows of #MeToo. How to enable young people to discover what they really want and need out of love and sex – this is what we should be talking about in sex-education classes. Forget about putting condoms on bananas. But as long as we venerate doing and solving – making things more efficient and perfect – it will be hard to glimpse what we really want out of sex or of love.

Wednesday, 1 August 2018

Why school trips to abattoirs are essential

Countryfile presenter Tom Heap is right to call for school visits to slaughterhouses. It is time children learned the truth about food production, writes Chas Newkey-Burden in The Guardian. Read on:

If the slaughterhouses had glass walls, would anyone still buy their meat?

As a vegan, I support Countryfile presenter Tom Heap’s call for children to be taken on school trips to abattoirs. Why not – if you think the truth about what you eat is so horrific it must be kept secret, doesn’t that mean you are helping to cover up something you think is horrific?

Meat-eating is a huge part of our lives and one that is shrouded in fairytale. Illustrations in children’s books depict gorgeous, spacious farms with a handful of joyful animals. Supermarkets offer “happy eggs”, sausages from “jolly” hogs and the meat of “free range” chicken. McDonald’s has even given children a smiling toy cow when they buy a burger.

Beef carcasses hanging in a UK abattoir. Photograph: Alamy Stock Photo
What would sausage and bacon packaging look like if it were realistic? The reality is that many pigs are raised in crates barely bigger than their bodies, they are kept in hellish conditions for months, have their tails cut off without anaesthetic and squeal like terrified children when they get gassed. What sort of logo would that be?

Meat bosses are nervous about the idea of children seeing inside slaughterhouses – and well they might be. Between 2009 and 2016, the welfare group Animal Aid secretly filmed inside 11 randomly chosen UK slaughterhouses and found clear evidence of cruelty in 10 of them.

Countryfile presenter Tom Heap. 
A spokesman for the British Meat Processors Association said that it would be difficult to accommodate more than a handful of child visitors to abattoirs each day. How curious – they manage to shove one billion farmed animals through their doors every year.

Children are often more truthful than their parents. It is the innocence of children that we want to protect, but we could also learn from it. Would a child witness animals being hurt and say the only step we need to take is to keep it secret?

Let children learn the truth. Perhaps after the visit, pupils could be offered two options for their lunch: a meat dish or a vegan dish. That sounds like real education to me.