Showing posts with label Metro. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Metro. Show all posts

Sunday, 29 December 2019

World subway map shows what a hyperloop-powered future may look like

The vacuum-sealed hyperloop train system came one step closer to reality last week when a company working on bringing the transit system to life announced the next step in a global competition. Los Angeles-based Hyperloop One has selected 35 teams as finalists in its global challenge, who will now present regional proposals at three different showcases starting next month.

“It’s more than just a train, or a pod in a tube,” Josh Giegel, Hyperloop One’s president of engineering, told Inverse. “We’re taking it to a level of connectivity and really being the high-speed backbone of the future transportation network.”

The current plan is to bring three routes into production over the next five years. Hyperloop One wants to connect cities in individual regions and, eventually, connect those regions to each other to make a giant network.

It’s a plan reminiscent of the World Metro Map, designed in 2003 by Mark Ovenden, which imagines what a global underground system could look like. Each city marked on the map either has an operational metro system or planned to open one as of 2008. The data is slightly older at this point, but its reimagining of the globe captured imaginations worldwide.

It seems like a far-fetched idea, but with its ultra high speeds, a global hyperloop network could connect the cities of the world in a similar fashion. Proposed speeds of up to 750 mph would allow a passenger to travel from San Francisco to Los Angeles in around 35 minutes.

It’s the sort of time savings that could reshape the global economy, and with an intercontinental transit network, it could allow for rapid Europe-Asia trips in a matter of hours.

Of course, a potential hyperloop network might not look exactly like the map. Mexico City to Porto, Portugal, illustrated as one stop’s distance on the map, is a 5,000-mile distance spanning the Atlantic. Possibly not the most practical route.


(Source: Inverse)

Tuesday, 24 December 2019

Explained: How to reach shopping malls in Qatar using Doha Metro

Updated: The story updated to reflect that Al Asmakh Mall - Centrepoint is closer to Joaan Station

With the opening of all three metro lines with 36 functioning stations, travelling to malls has become much easier. Below is a detailed list of how to reach each mall using Doha Metro and its feeder buses…

Doha Festival City (Red Line):

By taking Red Line and getting down at the last stop, Lusail-QNB Metro station, you can go to DHFC, IKEA and ACE. Doha Metro has provided for a feeder bus service to reach the mall from the station.

Red Line: The starting point is Al Wakra station. If availing this line, it will take you directly to the last station, which is 14 stops away. From the last stop a metro link (Feeder Bus-M145) will take you straight to the mall.

Gold Line: If you are taking the Gold Line, then head towards Msheireb station, where you can change over to the Red Line and proceed towards Lusail-QNB Metro station.

Green Line: If you are coming from the Al Mansoura Station you can get off at either Msheireb or Al Bidda interchange and then change over to Red line and head towards the last stop. It’s the same route if you are coming from Al Riffa side – Al Bidda is a good option if you want to avoid the crowd at Msheireb.

Mall of Qatar (Green Line):

The last stop on the Green Line, Al Riffa station, takes you directly to the mall.

Red Line: Get off either at Msheireb or Al Bidda interchange and take the Green Line heading towards Al Riffa and the last station is your destination.

Gold Line: If you are coming from Ras Bu Aboud or Al Aziziya side, get off at Msheireb station and change into Green Line heading towards Al Riffa to reach the mall.

Green Line: From anywhere on the Green Line starting from Al Mansoura station, it’s a straight path towards the mall.

Villagio & Hyatt Plaza (Gold Line):

Situated in Muaither Area, the Aziziyah Metro station is right next to Villagio whereas for Hyatt Plaza, visitors can avail the Metro Link (M313) to reach the mall.

Red Line: Coming from Lusail-QNB direction or Al Wakra, get down at Msheireb Interchange and take the Gold Line to reach Al Aziziyah Station.

Gold Line: If you are coming from Ras Bu Aboud Station side, you can get off directly at the Al Aziziyah Station to reach Villagio or get on a feeder bus to go to Hyatt Plaza.

Green Line: If you are coming from Al Mansoura Station, get off at Msheireb Interchange, change to gold line and go to the last stop. It’s the same route even if you are coming from Al Riffa Station side.

City Centre & Gate Mall (Red Line):

Both malls being opposite to each other, DECC Station is only a walking distance away from both.

Red Line: Get off at the DECC Station and a short walk will take you to the malls.

Gold Line: Get off at Msheireb Interchange and catch a train on the Red Line heading in the direction of Lusail Station to reach the DECC Station.

Green Line: If you are coming from Al Mansoura side or Al Riffa side, you can get off either at Msheireb or at Al Bidda and then change over to Red Line heading in the direction of Lusail Station to reach the DECC Station.

Al Asmakh Mall - Centrepoint (Gold Line):

Located in Al Sadd Area, there is a station - Joaan Station on the Gold Line – which is walkable distance from the mall. You need to walk just 0.08km (around 1 min).

Red Line: Both Lusail-QNB and Al Wakra commuters have a stop at Msheireb Interchange to get on the Gold Line heading towards Aziziyah to reach Joaan Station.

Gold Line: Trains coming from both Aziziya and Ras Bu Aboud direction will stop at Joaan station and it’s a short walk to the mall

Green Line: Get down at the Msheireb Interchange and change over to Gold Line heading towards Aziziyah to reach Joaan Station.

Centrepoint - Barwa Village (Red Line):

Ras Bu Fontas Station on the Red Line is where you need to get off to reach the mall. From the station you can catch a Metrolink (M126) to reach the mall.

Red Line: If you are travelling on Red Line either from Lusail or Al Wakra direction, get off on Ras Bu Fontas Station and take the bus.

Gold Line: Get down at Msheireb Interchange and changeover to Red Line heading towards Al Wakra to reach Ras Bu Fontas Station.

Green Line: If you are coming from Al Riffa side you can either get off at Al Bidda or Msheireb stations and change to Red Line to reach Ras Bu Fontas Station. If you’re coming from Al Mansoura Station you can get off at Msheireb Station and get on the Red line to reach Ras Bu Fontas Station.

Ezdan Mall - Wakra (Red Line):

To get to the mall you will have to get off at Al Wakra Station and then catch a Metro Link (M134) that will take you to the mall.

Red Line: Reach the last station - Al Wakra Station – on the Red Line and all you have to do get on the Metro Link to reach the Mall.

Gold Line: If you are on Gold Line, then get down at Msheireb Interchange and take the Red Line heading towards Al Wakra Station. Be careful not to take the train to Hamad International Airport. Alternate trains go to the airport on Red Line.

Green Line: If you are coming from Al Riffa side you can either get off at Al Bidda or Msheireb Stations and take a train to Al Wakra Station on Red Line. If you’re coming from Al Mansoura side, then get off at Msheireb Station and get on the Red line to reach Al Wakra Station.

Ansar Gallery Mall (Red Line):

The station for the mall falls on the Red Line - Oqba Bin Nafie Station. From here you can avail the Metrolink (M125) to reach the Mall.

Red Line: Get off at Oqba Bin Nafie Station and take the feeder bus M125.

Gold Line: Change over at Msheireb Interchange and take Red Line in the direction of Al Wakra to reach Oqba Bin Nafie Station.

Green Line: Get off at Al Bidda or Msheireb Stations and take Red Line in the direction of Al Wakra to get to Oqba Bin Nafie Station.

Town Centre (Green Line):

The station to Town Centre falls on the Green Line, to get there you’ll have to get off on Al Messila Station and catch Metrolink (M209) that will take you directly to the shopping complex.

Red Line: From Lusail-QNB Station side you can get off at Al Bidda Interchange and take the Green Line towards Al Riffa to reach Al Messila and if coming from Al Wakra Station you can get off at Msheireb Interchange and change to Green Line.

Gold Line: To reach Messila Station get off at the Msheireb or Al Bidda Interchange and take the Green Line towards Al Riffa.

Green Line:  Messila Station falls on the Green Line and you can get the feeder bus right outside the station.

(Source: The Peninsula)

Education City Tram starts operation on Blue Line

The Education City Tram has started operation. “The Blue Line is open for business,” Qatar Foundation (QF) announced in a tweet, adding that other lines will be “launched soon”.

The Blue Line of the Education City Tram with seven stops on its route serves Education City Stadium, Qatar Academy and VCUarts Qatar.

According to an earlier report, Siemens, the German-based company tasked with the project, is set to provide a total of 19 trams. With a capacity of 234 passengers per tram, including 60 seated, the system is set to transport an average of approximately 3,000 people in each direction every hour, with 17 trains operating, some at four-minute intervals during peak times.


The network will not only connect visitors, university students, and QF employees with 24 designated tram stations across 11.5km, it will also serve as a link to Doha Metro.

The trams are set to boast a range of state-of-the art energy-saving features, including Siemens’ Sitras HES energy storage system. Enabling the trams to recharge at each station and operate without overhead power lines opens up a new perspective for vehicle design and will have a positive impact on the urban landscape.

Clean lines, generous white surfaces and darkened windows characterise the tram’s exterior. The interior has a bright and airy ambience, while special sunshades on the roof and tinted insulated glass maintain comfortable interior temperatures.

(Source: The Peninsula)

Wednesday, 8 May 2019

Doha Metro Red Line South to open for public on Wednesday

The Ministry of Transport and Communications announced the opening of Doha Metro Red Line South that will start its initial operation for the public this Wednesday, May 8.
The line extends from Al Qassar to Al Wakra.


The initial operation includes 13 out of 18 Red Line stations: Al Qassar, DECC, QIC West Bay, Corniche, Al Bidda (Interchange Station), Msheireb (Interchange Station), Al Doha Al Jadeda, Umm Ghawalina, Al Matar AL Qadeem, Oqba Ibn Nafie, Free Zone, Ras Bu Fontas and Al Wakra.


The service will run from Sunday through Thursday from 8am to 11pm.

(Source: The Peninsula)

Wednesday, 24 January 2018

On Paris Metro, drug abuse reaches a boiling point

The transit workers’ union says some stations on Line 12 are too dangerous to stop at. What will the city do?

In one section of the Paris metro, drug dealing and abuse has gotten so bad that some train drivers are refusing to stop at stations. Following a bad year for accidents and assaults, the trade union that represents workers of Paris transit body RATP warned last week that the North Paris stations on Metro Line 12—notably Marx Dormoy, Porte de la Chapelle and Marcadet – Poissonniers—are now so overrun with people selling and smoking crack that drivers no longer feel safe dropping off or picking up passengers there.

While regular services continue, some drivers have admitted that if fights or disturbances appear to have broken out on the station platform—or if too many addicts are massed on the platform—they will drive straight through to the next stop. It’s an occurrence they say is becoming more frequent.

If the protest from employees is new, problems with crime and public order in this part of Paris are not. The area where the stations are located has been one of Paris’s poorest ever since it was built up in the 19th century—nowadays much of its population is people whose families have arrived within the past 50 years from Africa (both North and Sub-Saharan) and, in the area’s southern reaches, South Asia. Straddling the train tracks trailing out of the Gare du Nord, the attractive but rundown streets around the Paris quarter of Goutte d’Or are one of the few pockets of Paris proper that have remained affordable—and as a result have, to residents’ chagrin, become a sort of corral for petty crime problems more rigorously combated elsewhere in the city. In fact, some residents complain that their relatively low social status has led the authorities to disregard problems with street crime that affect their safety and quality of life for too long.

When it comes to public drug sale and use, something is still shifting, and conditions are getting worse. Last year, there were 850 service interruptions on Line 12, caused variously by the electric current being cut off as people crossed the tracks, pulled the alarm lever to stop the train while deals were made. With six assaults on staff in the final third of 2017, it’s understandable if RATP employees are wary.

As Eric Chaplain, a driver on line 12, told French news channel LCI, it seems that a sort of uneasy truce between drug users and the transit system has broken down: "Historically, Line 12 was always a hub for drug abuse, notably around Porte de la Chapelle, even after the line was extended. At that time, there was a major presence of drug users, but there was a sort of “respect” between them and RATP staff. They knew very well that they benefited from our platforms but that, at the same time, they had to respect the place, so it stayed clean and useable. But the nuisance has got worse from month to month, and from year to year."

A Paris metro train running on Line 2, which crosses Northern Paris. Christian Hartmann/Reuters
It’s this escalation that sparked last week’s union communiqué, sent to France’s Interior Minister, Paris Mayor Anne Hidalgo, and Valérie Pécresse, premier of the Île-de-France region in which Paris is located. The wording also suggests that employees feel that RATP itself is letting them down. So what’s the solution?

It’s not uncommon for drug users to shelter in the relative warmth of public transit systems, especially if their corridors are only lightly surveilled—and as the driver quoted above notes, some form of uneasy coexistence can even be reached, at times. But when the problem has reached levels where even train drivers feel insecure, something needs to change. A roundtable discussion between the unions, transit bosses, and the police is planned for Friday, but so far the official silence on the matter has been striking. Neither Paris police headquarters nor Hidalgo had made any comment on the situation. Both transit employees and residents in the Goutte d’Or will, it seems, have to wait a little longer before their fears are assuaged.

(Source: City Lab)

Even in an empty Delhi metro coach, middle-class Indians make their maids sit on the floor

With rising prosperity, more double-income couples and nuclear families, the need for domestic workers is increasing – and so is the class divide, writes Shekhar Gupta in The Print. Read on: 

Our reporter Sanya Dhingra tweeted this brilliant, eye-opening picture on Saturday that tells us more than a thousand words on our class differences and the way we treat our domestic workers. Even in a fairly empty metro coach, a maid sits on the floor and not with her employer and her child. The tweet took no time going viral. It obviously struck a chord.

In no other urban Indian situation does class inequality show up as starkly as in employer-domestic worker. Sometimes it reflects in just “normal” settings like the one Sanya captured or residential buildings in big cities (including Gurgaon) have separate elevators earmarked for workers. I was moved to reflect on this the first time when a well-to-do Gurgaon couple was in October 2015 accused of repeatedly beating up their 14-year-old maid, a tribal from Jharkhand. She was, in fact, rescued from behind a cupboard where she was hiding, or was forcibly confined. She had bruises, cut-and-slash marks. She told TV channels she was beaten routinely, thrown against a wall and even cut with a knife. Perhaps the most chilling part: she said her employers beat her, and all they said was they “didn’t like” her.

This was a most extreme case of domestic worker abuse. But the business of the employer-domestic worker, or malik-naukar, relationship is problematic in India. With rising prosperity and more double-income couples and nuclear families, the need for domestic workers is increasing – and so is the class divide.

We Indians are among the most “servant”-dependent people in the world. From getting our dishes washed to our toilets cleaned, our children minded to our dogs walked, from being driven to work to having our lunch boxes opened and our clothes ironed, our need for domestic workers is total, at least 16×7, leaving out the sleeping hours. The term for these workers, even in the mainstream English press, is, simply, “domestics”.

As more and more people become prosperous and busy – or lazy –enough to employ domestic workers, more men and women from the poorest end of society walk into their lives and households. Cooks, drivers, security guards (who are essentially doormen), cleaners, house-keepers, valet and baby-sitters are still within the conventional parameters of our typical upper/upper-middle class existence. You want to know how one-sided this buyers’ market in semi-skilled employment is? Manish Sabharwal, who runs Teamlease, India’s largest third-party employer and arranger of low- and mid-skilled labour, makes a sobering point: “For the past five years our company has employed a new person every five minutes. And it has only employed about 5 per cent of all the people who apply to us.”

In a 2008 article (‘Exploring India’s prosperity through the eyes of the invisible men’) in The New York Times that stays in my mind, reporter-writer Anand Giridharadas had explored the same rising divide using a five-star hotel toilet as a telling metaphor. In these toilets, he said, people are divided into two categories. Those who have to use soap from the dispenser, and those who squeeze the dispenser for you, open and close the tap, hand you a towel, take it back in their gloved hands to bin it, wipe the tap and mutter thank-you as you walk out, tip or no tip.

Mother and child take the seat, while the maid sits on the floor in Delhi Metro | Photo by Sanya Dhingra
Our vast reservoir of cheap manpower leads to other creative uses. On the corporate floors of some of our richest old companies, a peon follows you, either turning polished brass door-handles for you with gloved hands, or, if you turn them instead, wiping them clean again with a lint. Many upscale hotels now have personal butlers and valets, which can be flattering, but many Western travellers find the “privilege” intrusive.

The growing economy has only worsened attitudes. A couple with three small kids now employs three maids, one for each. These are dragged along to restaurants, kitty parties and flights when families travel on holidays. This dependence is serious but is made affordable by the creation, and wide acceptance, of a large, uncomplaining “below-stairs” class, a concept from Victorian Britain where your servants slept in the confined spaces under the staircases of your homes. Check out the coffin-sized sleeping slots that pass for “servant quarters” in our new apartment buildings.

This sense of entitlement was brought to us most strikingly by the Devyani Khobragade episode, which essentially implied that besides diplomatic immunity, every entitled Indian had a fundamental right to a cheap housemaid. Even an avowedly pro-poor and Left-of-centre UPA government ruined its relations with its most important ally; and the media rallied behind the diplomat, dismissing the maid as a foreign collaborator to bring India into disrepute and ungrateful that she had this job, never mind the minimum wages. When I raised these points then in a ‘National Interest’ (‘Our Indian Feudal Service’, 21 December 2013), it drew instant opprobrium from the foreign service. That story, as we know, has fully unravelled now.

In his 2008 article, Giridharadas drew on a Bollywood film on the lives of employers and their drivers (Barah Aana) to make his point. The more recent Talvar, directed by Meghna Gulzar and written by my friend Vishal Bhardwaj, is my exhibit. I have no view on the Aarushi-Hemraj case. I am only portraying the two sets, or classes, of human beings in that story. One, soft, genteel, loving, hard-working, with victim written all over them. The other, boisterous, drinking, ogling, sniggering, even Mogambo-khush-hua laughs, with “usual suspect” written all over them.

Most people, People Like Us, came back from the film shaken at the “injustice”, and appreciated it when the next day’s edition of The Times of India – whose owner produced the film – advised us to take our servants to watch this film, so you’d presume they can all feel guilty, and chastened. Even though the Talwars were acquitted, nobody cares to ask if that investigation, and the judicial process through 16 orders, including at the Supreme Court, was vitiated and manipulated, then how would three poor Nepali domestic workers have the power to do so rather than well-connected dentists?

Nobody noted that in the narco test, as shown in the film, the “doctor” is willing to pump more brain-frying chemical into the workers’ bodies than into the dentist couple. We sniggered joyously when a CBI officer asks a bumbling, lowly UP cop to unbuckle his trousers and have his haemorrhoids fixed with his “danda” (I’d like to see a CBI officer actually do that to a state cop, least of all in a UP run by Mayawati). The good CBI cop even thrashes a Nepali worker. We think it’s fine and the junior colleague who records this on his phone is a traitor, not a whistle-blower, as the case would surely have been if the dentists were beaten up.

Why blame breathless film critics for not noticing these when a film-maker as sensitive and aware as Vishal Bhardwaj has written the script? In this resurgent India, class is the new caste and inevitably one dovetails neatly into the other. We are shaken up only occasionally, and briefly, when a battered, tribal teenager from Jharkhand looks us in the eye from our closet. When a teenaged Nepali girl emerges with the story of an ISIS kind of enslavement and torture by a Saudi diplomat (also in Gurgaon). Or now, just this picture in the Delhi Metro.

Sunday, 10 December 2017

Metro ambushes commuters with arbitrary baggage fee

Commuters are furious the Namma Metro is asking them to pay Rs 30 for each piece of baggage they carry.

The practice is new. A notice at the Metro stations, which has no date or signature on it, reads 'Luggage Limit Rs 30 per baggage.'

The print-outs make no mention of weight or dimensions, and are not displayed prominently. The Metro authorities have made no public announcement about the fee either.

Staff said they had received instructions to collect Rs 30 on all baggage other than handbags.

With no measuring tapes or weighing machines around, they are slapping the fee even on those carrying trolleys.

'Purpose is lost' 
People travelling to the Kempegowda bus station and KSR city railway station are especially upset about the new rule.

"The main purpose of public transport is lost when people are forced to pay extra for baggage. The Metro in Delhi does not charge anything extra. By doing this, they are deterring people from using Namma Metro," said Abhilasha M, a commuter.

Indian Railways, Karnataka State Road Transport Corporation and Bengaluru Metropolitan Transport Corporation don't charge passengers for baggage they carry.

Earlier, commuters were barred from carrying their helmets on the Metro. The rule was later withdrawn.

Commuters complain Metro staff can be arbitrary. Sometimes, they even object to commuters carrying baby bags with diapers, food and feeding bottles.


Go by volume
Shankar A S, executive director, Namma Metro, said baggage volume determines whether commuters have to pay.

"When the bag passes through the safety belt, staff assess the volume and decide whether it calls for payment," he said.

He told DH clear rules would be sent to all stations, and employees and commuters made aware of them.

How big is big?
If a piece of baggage exceeds 60x45x25 cm, it attracts a fee of Rs 30, a Metro official said.

What is the problem?
Other Metros don't charge for baggage.

Staff decide arbitrarily to charge or not charge.

They have no tapes to measure baggage.

Who is hit?
People taking the Metro to reach bus and railway stations are the worst affected.

(Source: DH)

Friday, 11 August 2017

Bangalore, before the dystopia: The birth, life, and death of India’s most liveable city

An old friend and I met up one afternoon this May.

She had changed. Many times over. For good or for bad, I am not to judge, but I didn’t like what I saw.
We have known each other since 1980, the year I was born. So, despite long periods of separation, I perk up every time she is mentioned. Evidently, bits of her have stayed on with me.

There’s no taking Bangalore out of a Bangalorean, goes the cliche.

So there I stood at our Borewell Bus Stop rendezvous on Old Airport Road, seeking stray hints of familiarity: Flaming-red Bangalore Transport Service (BTS) buses, the fishing spot in the marsh, gulmohar (mayflower) trees in full bloom.

But all I got was a choked highway, an elite township where the marsh once lay, and gusts of exhaust fumes. And like I had read earlier incredulously, the gulmohars, too, were disappearing.

In just around 30 years, Bangalore had gone from “Garden City” to “Garbage City” via “India’s Silicon Valley.” Today it must often grapple with something as bizarre as self-combusting foaming toxic lakes.

When, why, and how did she come to this? The answers are not too obscure if one traces back her footsteps. But before that, a little about the present.


Frantic, choking
Bangalore is the face of India’s changed fortunes, a face that itself has changed beyond recognition. Consider these startling numbers: Bengaluru, as she has been officially called since November 2014, is the hub of the $150 billion information technology (IT) sector that contributes nearly 10% to India’s GDP. She single-handedly generated $45 billion in IT revenues in 2014.

The government of Karnataka expects the state capital to house two million IT workers by 2020. Such is her impact that, till recently, techies in the west dreaded the term Bangalored—it meant losing your job to relatively cheaper Indian peers. The recent role reversal is unlikely to affect her dominance.

At a per capita GDP of $5,051 (2014), the city is the world’s 87th most important metro, a Brookings Institute report says. She is India’s fifth-most populous urban agglomeration, with an estimated over 10 million residents in 2017, up nearly 200% from 3.4 million in 1985. To accommodate all those new people, she has expanded by 360% from 161 square kilometres (pdf) in 1979 to 709 sq km today.

However, due to dismal urban planning and corruption, she’s now also a disaster in slow motion.
Take, for instance, those water bodies. Bangalore is that rare large metro with no big perennial source of water nearby. Hence, its founders created a vast interconnected system of lakes and tanks, key to her Garden City tag.

In 1961, there were 262 lakes and tanks in and around her. But satellite imagery in 2003 showed just 18 clearly delineated ones (I don’t want to know what it looks like in 2017). Yet, there’s been a 584% growth in the city’s built-up area over the past four decades. The result: A parched city depends on thousands of tanker-trucks for its daily supply of water.

Trees, Bangalore’s other pillar, are vanishing, too. According to study by the Indian Institute of Science, more than 68% of her land area had vegetation in 1973; by 2012, that had fallen to a little above 23%. A few minutes spent at the Domlur Signal, with its recently built maze of flyovers, amply drives home the message.

This cataclysm has begun to affect her famed climate. Summer temperatures that ranged in the comfortable 18-33 degree Celsius zone—and rarely on the higher side—hit 39.2 degrees in April 2016.

“Today…quiet tree-lined lanes of creeper- and flower-decked homes have become treeless, concrete, air-conditioned ghettos—artificially created heat islands in a city that once did not need even ceiling fans,” journalist Samar Halarnkar wrote recently.


That’s exactly what I felt on that breathless May afternoon. And if you, O reader, aren’t panting yet, then welcome to Bangalore like always. Because she remains a friend to everyone as she was all through her growing up years.

“The city’s morphology closely corresponds to four distinct evolutionary phases—the native town (1537-1809); colonial period (1809-1947); science & industry phase (1947-1980s); and the hi-tech phase (mid-1980s-present),” urban planner Radha Chanchani said in a note she prepared on the subject, which she shared with me. “And till the British left, the city evolved as two distinct and separate entities,” Chanchani, managing associate with the sustainable cities programme of the World Resources Institute, Bangalore, added.

My interest piqued, I decided to explore further.

Bangalore: The short story
Year Milestone
1537 Kempe Gowda constructs the Bangalore Mud Fort and several reservoirs
1760 Hyder Ali commissions Lal Bagh
1803 First chapel in the city. Runner postal line established between Bangalore, Madras, and                         Bombay
1807 First British military station in Halasuru/Ulsoor
1853 Currency changes from Kanteerava pagoda to rupee
1864 First train arrives
1898 Plague outbreak
1902 India’s first city to get electricity
1905 India’s first city get electric street lights
1909 The Indian Institute of Science set up
1928 First instance of communal clash
1937 Connected by air to Bombay
1940 Bangalore Transport Company begins operations
1944 Bangalore Palace built
1947 Named capital of Mysore
1948 Deccan Herald newspaper launched
1949 Bangalore Municipal Corporation formed
1955 AIR Bangalore begins broadcasting
1956 Vidhana Soudha built. Bangalore named capital of the reconstituted Mysore state
1964 Bangalore University established
1972 ISRO established in Bangalore
1981 TV station begins broadcasting
1991 Software Technology Parks of India established
2014 Renamed Bengaluru

Split personality
Bangalore’s history is actually the history of twins.

There are many theories behind how she got her name: Some say it came from Benda Kala Uru (the city of the cooked pulses), others cite Vengaluru (village of Vengala/Venkata) and Bengavaluru (town of body guards).

While the oldest reference to Bangalore is from CE 890, her modern foundation was laid down in 1537 by Kempe Gowda, a feudatory of the Vijayanagara empire. Remnants of the fort Gowda built remain to this day, though badly overrun. “It is the oldest kernel of the city…all in the ‘pete‘ areas (Chikpete, Doddapete, Sultanpete etc),” Chanchani tells me. “It was a small, native, typical south Indian town within the fort-walls.”

That is, till the British East India Company (EIC) arrived in 1807. It leased some land east of the old city from her overlord, the Mysore maharaja, and set up a cantonment near the lake in Halasuru (old locality), today Ulsoor. The twin was born.


The EIC’s military installations and symbols still dominate the landscape: Parade Ground, Brigade Road, the Indian Army’s oldest engineering group Madras Sappers, and many others.

Bangalore’s salubrious climate began to attract British families and, soon enough, she turned into a civil station, too. In a way, the urban planner says, they created a spot of England in India.

“Bangalore was India without its scorching sun and Europe without its snow,” Chanchani cites an old adage.

Meanwhile, the older twin, too, was expanding under the Mysore kingdom.

The 1898 plague outbreak in the native quarters sparked an exodus to her newly built northern and southern extensions, Malleswaram and Basavanagudi, respectively.

This may seem unimaginable now, but the area between these two segments of Bangalore—the native town on the west under the Mysore king and the civil and military station to the east—was a broad belt of open land. Over time, this belt is what became the city’s biggest green lungs, extending from Cubbon Park through the race course, golf course, and Palace grounds and orchards, Chanchani says. Lalbagh, the 240-acre botanical garden commissioned by Hyder Ali in 1760, already lay towards the south.

Yet, the cultural differences between the twins are evident even now.

As the British pursued European tastes and practices in their quarters, Bangalore internalised some of these. For instance, its reputation as India’s “Pub City” stems from the club culture the colonialists spawned. They set up the United Services Club in 1868, which later became the Bangalore Club—a certain Winston Churchill, who called the city “a garrison town which resembles a 3rd rate watering place,” still owes the club Rs13.

Since they were not allowed inside the club, the native elite set up their own Bangalore Club on their side of the divide in 1912. This later became the Century Club. The Anglo-Indians, of course, had their Bowring Institute.

So eastern Bangalore nurtured a concentrated English-European culture, with missionary-run schools, western dressing, manners, etiquette, and merry-making tipplers, while beyond Cubbon Park, in old Bangalore, traditional India reigned.

This was Bangalore’s structural make-up as she entered the modern age in 1947. As India gained independence, the city was named the capital of the Mysore state. In 1949, the twins were formally merged. In 1956, she was again named the capital of the newly reconstituted Mysore state.

The city witnessed the first major post-independence spurt in population around this time, following India’s administrative reorganisation on linguistic lines. “I remember bureaucrats transferred from the Bombay and Madras presidencies arriving here and looking for houses in 1958. That was the first influx…though it was not big,” says 90-year-old NL Krishnan, a long-time resident and witness to some of the biggest changes the city underwent.

Bangalore had begun to spread her wings and Krishnan, a young engineer back then, was ready to take flight.

Boom town: The science & industry phase
A graduate of Banaras Hindu University, Krishnan arrived in the city on a cold January day in 1955, the year All India Radio Bangalore began broadcasting.

He had joined Bharat Electronics Ltd (BEL), a public-sector undertaking (PSU) established a year earlier to make basic communication equipment for a young nation.

“I wanted to be in a new company, so that you are at the starting point and grow along with your group,” Krishnan says. “When I joined the job here in Bangalore, I wasn’t sure how long I’d remain here,” he recalls.

That was 62 winters ago.

The retired BEL chairman & managing director is even older than the Vidhana Soudha, the majestic state legislative assembly building raised in the city’s heart in 1956.

Krishnan’s life in Bangalore ran almost parallel to her evolution as a science and industrial hub, though that phase had begun much earlier. Precisely speaking, when industrialist Jamsetji Nusserwanji Tata, in association with the Mysore maharaja and the Indian government, established the Indian Institute of Science in 1909. That was also the year Bangalore became India’s first electrified city. Then came the Hindustan Aircraft Company, now Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd (HAL), in 1940.

Looking to give India a much-needed industrial base post-independence, the government set up three more PSUs here: the Indian Telephone Industries (ITI) in 1948, watchmaker Hindustan Machines Tools in 1953, and BEL the next year. The following decades saw more coming: the Indian Space Research Organisation, the Defence Research & Development Organisation, the National Aerospace Laboratory etc.


But why Bangalore? The answer is predictable.

“Climate and a fresh site. The government didn’t have to worry about land. They picked up land owned by the defence. It (Bangalore) was an Italian prisoner of war camp (during World War II).

Once the war ended, they (Italian PoWs) were repatriated. They (the government) then said now you build a factories and townships in the vacated areas,” Krishnan explains.

After the initial thrust on PSUs, Bangalore’s industrialisation entered the next phase in the decadal cusp of the 1960s and ’70s. This, Krishnan says, followed the Naxalite movement, an armed Marxist uprising in the Bengal region, a key industrial zone till then.

As industries fleeing Bengal shifted here, demand for manpower rose, sparking the second big influx: workers from neighbouring states like Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and Andhra Pradesh.

“When we wanted female workers in our factory, particularly in assembly of components, conservatism prevented the local girls from joining us. So we had mostly Tamilians and Malayalis (natives of Kerala),” Krishnan says.

But there was also demand for more qualified personnel. “Some of them (private industries) wanted to start greenfield operations, too. Where do they get well-trained engineers from? So there was phenomenal poaching from the public sector,” he recalls.

Clearly, the buzz for engineers was alive even then in the city. And it grew louder as the stage was set for Bangalore’s shift from being a largely PSU-oriented city to a private-sector, technology-oriented city.

By the late 1980s, as I was learning to ride bicycles and throwing tantrums over Joy and Dollops ice cream, my friend was poised for the IT boom—and the third big migratory wave.

Life in a metro
Motorised vehicles were first introduced to Bangalore in 1901.

“The first car showroom (and workshop) was set up in the Kannan building on South Parade Road (MG Road) in 1911, by an Englishman called HE Ormerod,” according to The Times of India newspaper.

Krishnan himself bought one, a Sunbeam, in 1955 as commuting was a task (some things never change!).

Buses were few and far between. Auto-rickshaws were introduced in 1950—Bangalore was the first Indian city to do so, said Krishnan (I couldn’t verify this)—but there were few of them. Taxis were scarce, too. So residents mostly depended on horse-carts. “My father-in-law arrived at our residence at around 10 o’ clock in the night on a tonga in 1963,” Krishnan says. A little more than a million people lived here then.

For their employees’ convenience, the PSUs introduced bus fleets. They also built massive, well-maintained townships that are much sought-after enclaves even today. The blue HAL and ITI buses were ubiquitous in Bangalore till a few years ago.

But despite the limited public transport options, it was still an easy city.

“My wife and I used to go together on foot quite a long distance,” said Sampige Anantha Murthy, a retired district and sessions judge, who first came to the city in 1954. “Those were the safer days.”

Indeed, as an eight-or nine-year-old, I’d travel long distances to school both by bus and by foot—alone or with friends. Straying far from home along the highway was a pleasurable Sunday routine. Brave would be the Bangalore parents who’d let their children do that now.

Because by February 2016, there were over 6 million motorised vehicles in the city, up over 6,000% from the 100,000 in 1971. While the length of the city’s road network has increased from 960 kilometres in 1964 to 10,200 km in 2014, it is still inadequate, leaving her with the worst road density among India’s metros. The result: Over $6 billion worth of man-hours spent stuck in traffic—and this for the IT sector alone.

While poor planning, corruption, and land-grab are universal to urban India, nowhere else has the rapidity of growth bogged down a city as much as in Bangalore.

“Today it is not worth my while travelling out of home,” rued 83-year-old Murthy. “Firstly because of the traffic, then unhelpful footpaths. Things are beyond the policemen’s grasp.” This comes from someone who lives in the upscale, leafy Indiranagar locality in eastern Bangalore.

And the widening of roads or massacring trees is hardly the answer. “To address traffic congestion by widening the roads is like trying to address obesity by loosening the belt,” said Chanchani, the urban planner, pointing to an important difference within the city.

The old quarters of Bangalore like Malleswaram and Basavangudi, she said, manage the traffic and population better than the new tech zones and IT belts toward the south and east. “They (old quarters) have very good structured road networks—dense and inter-connected. So traffic gets evenly distributed. In contrast, in Whitefield, there are only four or five main roads. Everything else is closed access, private access.” Gated communities and integrated townships have taken up large parcels of land but have also choked the roads by shutting them off, she said.

“There is simply no breathing space,” sighed the retired judge.

Things are so bad now that Bangalore ranks a low 146 on Mercer’s 2017 Quality of Living Index, and 177 for quality of infrastructure, coming in last among the surveyed Indian cities. An IISc study says the city will be simply uninhabitable by 2025 (pdf).

All this hits you particularly hard when you return to here periodically. Like it hit me under that May afternoon sun.

After trying in vain to identify the vestiges of a bygone era, as I began walking home, I thought I saw an eight-year-old cycling down from the opposite direction. He took a turn toward the marsh to meet his old friend.

That boy was on the other side of the clogged highway, the other side of the time-divide.

(Source: Quartz)

Thursday, 6 July 2017

No means nahi!

Poet Prathibha Nandakumar wrote a beautiful article on the imposition of Hidi in Namma Metro, Bengaluru. Enjoy this wonderful piece published in the Bangalore Mirror:

I know Hindi. I also know English, Tamil and a little bit of Telugu and Urdu. My mother tongue is Marathi, which we have given up and speak Kannada at home.

None of that can justify imposing Hindi in Namma Metro. Hindi by choice not by force. Kannada is primary in Karnataka. Period. No space for debate. How did the BMRCL even get an idea that the Metro “needed” Hindi? According to a media report, BMRCL Managing Director Pradeep Singh Kharola has confessed that the Hindi signboards were put up in Metro “following Centre’s direction.” Why?

The anti-Hindi agitation is over five decades old in Karnataka. When we were in primary school, we witnessed our elder brothers and sisters in colleges actively involved in the anti-Hindi agitations. They even had parodies of popular film songs to drive their point home. I distinctly remember one song ridiculing the then Education Minister, SR Kanti, in the tune of “Jyot se jyot lagaake chalo….” and the lines went “…ye Kanti ki panche bhi udane lagi.”


Sixty years is a long time and still the Centre thinks it can fool people? Between 1937-40, Periyar started the anti-Hindi agitation in the south. It saw protests, marches, fasts, Goli bar, lathi charge, picketing …. everything. We survived but were imposed Hindi as third language. They said the third language marks don’t count for ranking but nevertheless Hindi was taught. The Centre was adamant then. The Centre is adamant now as well. Who directed the BMRCL MD to include Hindi in Metro sign boards? #nammametrohindibeda is not a campaign just for the heck of it for BMRCL to ignore. It has ignored the protests by pro-Kannada activist groups. It has ignored the online campaign. It has ignored the people’s voice. It has ignored the letter written by the Chairman of Kannada Development Authority. It has even ignored Chief Minister Siddaramaiah’s statement that we don’t need Hindi in Metro because it is “not going anywhere out, it is very much within the city.” Metro PRO UA Vasanth Rao told NDTV that a Parliamentary Committee had come to check the observation of the 3-language formula in Metro “because the Centre is a stakeholder in Namma Metro.” That is what we are objecting to. The State is as much a stakeholder in Metro as Centre. Besides, that the “British” attitude of the Centre claiming/defending Hindi because it has funded a part of it is feudalistic to the core. When media persons pointed it out to Vasanth Rao that Tamil Nadu was using only Tamil and English in both sign boards and announcements, he was insensitive enough to say that “it was in violation of the ministry’s orders.”The Central Government is for all citizens in the country and should, as a rule, protect the interests of its subjects. By imposing a rule that is detrimental to the interests of the public and further insulting people by terming it a ‘violation’, the Centre is showing its callousness. The citizens of Bengaluru wanted the Metro to be called Namma Metro not just because it sounds like it belongs to us, but because it belongs to us. We do not want Hindi imposition and the Centre has no business whatsoever to impose Hindi on us, be it because it is a stakeholder or because it has ulterior motives. If the Centre thinks imposing Hindi will fetch votes, it has another thing coming.

Yes, all of us do watch Hindi films and sing Hindi songs and also idolise Hindi heroes. But all that is NEXT to our love for our language and also it’s a choice. Nobody forced us to watch Hindi films. We love to watch all language films but you can’t force us to watch. If you stuff our faces with Hindi we will vomit for sure. The Kannada Development Authority is a government body with all due powers to instruct the BMRCL with regard to the language policy. As Stakeholder State can dictate terms just like the Centre and if a body authorised by the State Government says Hindi nahi chalega, BMRCL has to listen to that also and PRO Vasanth Rao should know that it is in violation of the Chairman’s orders. Like CM Siddaramaiah said, the next largest speaking population in Bengaluru are Telugu and Tamil, followed by Urdu. As it is, Bengalureans are having a tough time dealing with drug peddling Africans. Remember the exodus of the north east people? Unless the BMRCL wants a repeat of complications arising out of language, it better wake up and honour the sentiments of Kannadigas.

NO means NO, not just in case of the physical but also in the case of language. It will not take much effort on the part of Kannadigas to blacken the Hindi in Kharola’s Metro. Namma Metro belongs to us, and we are saying hindibeda. That’s it. No means nahi.