Monday, 28 August 2017

Ram Rahim family history: The story of a devil, a saint and Papa's angels

Gurmeet Ram Rahim is married to Harjeet Kaur, with whom he has three daughters and a son.

A 23-year-old boy Gurmeet Singh became Huzoor Maharaj Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh ji is now just an ordinary convict in Rohtak's Suniara jail after a special CBI court found him guilty of raping a follower.


Before becoming an ascetic he had a family that he officially renounced but like all other dualities in his life, he continued to be the head of the family. His story is as astonishing and colourful as his films.

He did not have humble beginnings. His father Maghar Singh was a landlord in Rajasthan's Sri Ganganagar district. Mother Naseeb Kaur was a god-fearing housewife. Maghar Singh came in touch with Dera Sacha Sauda pretty early in life. The dera founded by Baba Balochistani Beparwah Mastana ji attracted followers from the backward and dalit sections of society, who couldn't get the equality that Sikhism promised. Jat and Khatri Sikhs never accorded them equality in practice.

Gurmeet Singh before he became Ram Rahim, with his wife Harjeet and their
two children. Photo: Roshan Insan
Maghar Singh was a Jat Sikh. The dera head Shah Satnam was a Khatri Sikh, who had succeeded Mastana. Maghar Singh was a follower of Satnam Shah and devoted a lot of time in spreading his spiritual leader's thoughts. Maghar Singh's son Gurmeet wasn't as spiritual but accompanied his father to the dera.

Gurmeet Singh's friend Gurjant Singh was jailed after he avenged his uncle's murder. In jail Gurjant was radicalised by separatist Khalistani militants. Once he came out of the jail, Gurjant became a Khalistani terrorist and rose quickly in the ranks. Gurmeet meanwhile was a full-time worker in the dera, doing odd jobs, driving a tractor or assisting his father in seva.

Gurmeet Ram Rahim flanked by daughters Amarpreet and Charanpreet with adopted daughter and confidante Honeypreet
Then, in an unexpected announcement, dera head Shah Satnam announced that he would retire after handing over the leadership to a successor. There were three contenders. Gurmeet was not one of them. In a surprise public announcement, the dera head anointed Gurmeet Singh his successor and gave him the name Huzoor Maharaj Gurmeet Ram Rahim. People in Sirsa say Gurjant Singh and a revolver were involved in the process. There is no evidence of any threat of violence, but people still attribute Gurmeet's rise to Gurjant's notoriety. Gurjant was later killed by security forces in Mohali.

The new dera head wasn't as simple-living-high-thinking leader as his predecessors. His love for shiny costumes took an obsessive tone later. He has a son and two daughters when he became celibate. The family that he publicly renounced continued to be with him in his dera quarters. He himself was surrounded by sadhikas (women devotee attendees).

He later adopted a bubbly young girl Honeypreet as his third daughter. The three call themselves Papa's Angels. All other devotees also call him Pitaji or Papa ji.  Honeypreet is the same woman who accompanied Baba Ram Rahim while he was being flown in a helicopter from the police lines complex in Panchkula.

Both Charanpreet and Amarpreet are married to men given really fancy names by Baba Ram Rahim. Charanpreet's sons are named Sweetluck Singh and Subah-e-Dil. The daughters have acted in his MSG series of films. The sons-in-law assist in managing the dera business. His son Jasmeet Insan ( a surname all his followers adopt) is married to a Punjab Congress MLA's daughter Husanmeet Kaur, now Insan.


Ram Rahim built a cave-themed palatial underground home in the dera where he would meditate and sexually exploit women. Based on the concept of harem in palaces, he would choose girls from among the devotees, make them surrender their bodies before him and these women would later remain in the dera and wait for being married off to male devotees who followed his orders like slaves or devotees do. These women were guarded by men allegedly neutered or castrated by the dera. This was not a secret. His private quarters were always guarded by his trusted gang of girls.

The rape, by the way, was called an act of pardon (maafi to be precise). Some women, as was later revealed, believed it was a blessing. But not all. The two women who testified against him had similar stories.

The primary complainant, whose anonymous letter to Atal Bihari Vajpayee, became the basis of an FIR by CBI in 2002, told the CBI court that she was called by Pitaji (that's what they call him) into his gufa (cave) in the intervening night of August 28 and 29, 1999 for granting maafi (pardon). He threatened to kill her if she did not give in. The rape made her realise the reality of the dera. She complained to her brother, who revolted and escaped with her. He was later murdered.

The second complainant had grown up in the dera where her parents taught in a school. She was guarding the cave residence of the guru. He called her and she went in. The so-called Pitaji was in bed, apparently naked. She was shocked and tried running away. But it was too late. Nobody came to help her. She was raped. She managed to escape later. She lived to tell her story to the CBI court.

There are scores of other women who have remained silent out of fear or hopelessness. While the man loved his daughters and married them off to a life in luxury, his victims, who he called daughters, but treated like slaves have to live lives without dignity.

(Source: India Today)

Japanese castles

Many castles were built in Japan during the Warring States period (1467–1568), when regional leaders vied for power. Although a large number were destroyed in the centuries that followed, there are still several fine structures to visit today, including those that have been reconstructed, says Nippon.com. Read on: 

Magnificent Keeps
Japan has many castles and castle ruins, but only 12 retain their original central keeps (tenshukaku) from the Edo period (1603–1868) or earlier.(*1) The nation’s great unifiers Oda Nobunaga (1534–82) and Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1537–98) built magnificent keeps for their castles as a demonstration of their immense power. Not all castles had central keeps, but the towering structures at many became symbolic of the entire fortress.

The central keep (tenshukaku) at Hikone Castle. (© cmeg.jp)
From around the seventh century, basic defensive fortifications were built on higher ground. Japan’s main castle-building era did not arrive, however, until the Warring States period (1467–1568). National treasures like the tenshukaku at Himeji, Hikone, and Matsumoto Castles were built during this time. The lord of the castle usually lived at the foot of the hill, relocating to the main fort above when enemies approached.


While castles varied in their layout, it was standard to have a main compound, or honmaru, surrounded by the second and third compounds (ninomaru and sannomaru). The central keep was located in the honmaru, and the castle’s lord built gates and towers at strategic points with a steep stone wall around the perimeter. A moat added a further layer of protection. Merchants gathered around the area to form a castle town, but there were no walls around the whole settlement, as often seen in Europe. Some daimyō built gardens near their castles, including the famous Kenrokuen in Kanazawa and Kōrakuen in Okayama.

After the Battle of Sekigahara in 1600, when Tokugawa Ieyasu (1543–1616) established control over Japan, the nation entered a period of relative peace. Castles were built on flat land, becoming political and economic centers rather than military bases, with vassals, merchants, and artisans living in the castle towns. In 1615, the Tokugawa shogunate issued a decree that the daimyō of each domain could only have one castle. All the rest had to be destroyed. Only limited alterations were allowed and new castles were banned. After the Meiji Restoration of 1868, the incoming government abolished the domains and replaced them with prefectures in 1871. Two years later, it issued its own decree on removal of castles, so many of those remaining were destroyed.

Himeji Castle in Hyōgo Prefecture is Japan’s most famous castle and was inscribed as one of Japan’s first World Heritage sites in December 1993. It is known as “White Heron Castle” for its brilliant white appearance and elegant structure. It was originally built in 1333, although later extensively remodeled. In addition to its defensive moat, a maze of paths between the different compounds was designed to baffle attackers.

Kinds of Japanese Castle
As their role changed, Japan’s castles developed over the centuries from yamajiro or “mountain castles,” through hirayamajiro—castles built on hills surrounded by plains—to hirajiro, “flatland castles.” Yamajiro include Takatori Castle in Nara Prefecture and Takeda Castle in Hyōgo Prefecture, which are both now in ruins, and Bitchū Matsuyama Castle in Okayama Prefecture.

There is no clear dividing line between the different styles, but Nobunaga’s Azuchi Castle can be considered an early hirayamajiro. It was destroyed in 1582, just three years after its construction. Other notable examples are Himeji Castle, Hikone Castle in Shiga Prefecture, and Kumamoto Castle in Kumamoto Prefecture.

Hirajiro include such examples as Osaka Castle in Osaka Prefecture, Nagoya Castle in Aichi Prefecture, and Matsumoto Castle in Nagano Prefecture. Of these, Matsumoto Castle is particularly impressive. From outside, its central keep—built around 1593–94—appears to have five stories, but there is an extra, concealed level inside.

Castles near water features are also known as mizujiro, or “water castles.” They used the sea, a lake, or river as a moat or for transportation. Some famous “water castles” are Takamatsu Castle in Kagawa Prefecture, Imabari Castle in Ehime Prefecture, and Nakatsu Castle in Ōita Prefecture.

Examples of the Different Kinds of Castles
Yamajiro

1. Takeda Castle (ruins) in Hyōgo Prefecture



Hirayamajiro

2. Himeji Castle in Hyōgo Prefecture


3. Kumamoto Castle in Kumamoto Prefecture

Following serious damage in April 2016 earthquakes, this photograph shows ongoing reconstruction on
May 29, 2017. (© Jiji)
Hirajiro

4. Osaka Castle (reconstructed) in Osaka Prefecture


5. Matsumoto Castle in Nagano Prefecture


Mizujiro

6. Imabari Castle (reconstructed) in Ehime Prefecture


7. Nakatsu Castle (reconstructed) in Ōita Prefecture



Sunday, 27 August 2017

The school beneath the wave: The unimaginable tragedy of Japan’s tsunami

In 2011 a tsunami engulfed Japan’s north-east coast more than 18,000 people were killed. Six years later, in one community, survivors are still tormented by a catastrophic split-second decision, writes Richard Lloyd Parry in his book Ghosts of the Tsunami: Death and Life in Japan’s Disaster Zone published by Jonathan Cape which will be out on 31 August. Read on: 

The earthquake that struck Japan on Friday 11 March 2011 was the fourth most powerful in the history of seismology. It knocked the Earth six and a half inches off its axis; it moved Japan four metres closer to America. In the tsunami that followed, more than 18,000 people were killed. At its peak, the water was 40 metres high. Half a million people were driven out of their homes. Three reactors in the Fukushima Daiichi power station melted down, spilling their radioactivity across the countryside, the world’s worst nuclear accident since Chernobyl. The earthquake and tsunami caused more than $210bn of damage, making it the most costly natural disaster ever.

Pain and anxiety proliferated in ways that are still difficult to measure, even among people remote from the destructive events. Farmers, suddenly unable to sell their produce, killed themselves. Blameless workers in electricity companies found themselves the object of abuse and discrimination. A generalised dread took hold, the fear of an invisible poison spread through air, through water – even, it was said, through mothers’ milk.

Those who work in zones of war and disaster acquire, after a time, the knack of detachment. This is professional necessity: no doctor, aid worker or reporter can do his job if he is crushed by the spectacle of death and suffering. The trick is to preserve compassion without bearing each individual tragedy as your own; and as a foreign correspondent and sometime war reporter, I had mastered this technique. I knew the facts of what had happened, and I knew they were appalling. But at my core, I was not appalled.

“All at once … something we could only have imagined was upon us – and we could still only imagine it,” the journalist Philip Gourevitch once wrote. “That is what fascinates me most in existence: the peculiar necessity of imagining what is, in fact, real.”


The events that constituted the disaster were so diverse, and so vast in their implications, that I never felt that I was doing the story justice. In the weeks afterwards, I felt wonder, pity and sadness. But for much of the time I experienced a numb detachment, and the troubling sense of having completely missed the point.

It was quite late on, the summer after the tsunami, when I heard about a small community on the coast that had suffered an exceptional tragedy. Its name was Okawa; it lay in a forgotten fold of Japan, below hills and among rice fields. In the years that followed, I encountered many survivors and stories of the tsunami, but it was to Okawa that I returned time and again. And it was there, at the school, that I eventually became able to imagine.

Okawa elementary school was more than 200 miles north of Tokyo in a village called Kamaya, which stands on the bank of a great river, the Kitakami, two miles inland of the point where it flows into the Pacific Ocean. In ancient times, this region of Japan, known as Tōhoku, was a notorious frontier realm of barbarians, goblins and bitter cold. Even today, it remains a remote, marginal, faintly melancholy place, the symbol of a rural tradition that, for city-dwellers, is no more than a folk memory.

One of the pupils at Okawa elementary, Tetsuya Tadano, was a stocky boy of 11, with close-cropped hair and an air of mild, amused mischief. Every morning he made the 20-minute walk from his house to school with his nine-year-old sister, Mina, along the embankment of the river. On the day of the earthquake, it was the 40th birthday of their mother, Shiroe; a small celebration was planned at home that evening. But otherwise it was an unremarkable Friday afternoon.

At lunchtime, the children rode on unicycles in the courtyard and foraged for four-leafed clovers. It was cold, and a piercing wind came off the river – Tetsuya and his friends stood in a row with their hands in their pockets, and turned their backs on it to keep the chill off their faces.

Lessons at Okawa elementary school finished at 2.30pm. At 2.45pm, the school bus was waiting in the car park with its engine running; a few of the younger pupils had already climbed in. But most of the children were still in their classrooms, finishing up the last school business of the week. A minute later, the sixth-year class were singing Happy Birthday to one of their number, a girl named Manno. It was in the middle of this song that the earthquake struck.

The room was shaking very slowly from side to side, said Soma Sato, one of the sixth-year boys. “They weren’t small, fast shakes – it felt gigantic. The teachers were running up and down, saying, ‘Hold on to your desks.’”

In the library, a man named Shinichi Suzuki was waiting for his son, who was in the sick room, having being taken ill earlier in the day. He watched as the water in the school fish tank slopped over its sides in waves. In Tetsuya’s class, the fifth year were getting ready to go home for the day. “When the earthquake first hit, we all took cover under our desks,” he said. “As the shaking got stronger, everyone was saying things like, ‘Whoa! This is big. You OK?’ When it stopped, the teacher said, right away: ‘Follow me outside.’ So we all put on our helmets and went out.”

The school building was evacuated with exemplary speed. Scarcely five minutes after they had been crouching under their desks, the children were in the playground, lined up by class, wearing the hard plastic helmets that were stored in each child’s locker.

Much later, the city authorities would compile a minute- by-minute log of the events of that afternoon, based on interviews with surviving witnesses. It conveys something of the atmosphere after a big earthquake, of excitement and resignation, light-heartedness and dread:

Child: Everyone sat down and the register was taken. The lower-grade girls were crying, and Miss Shirota and Miss Konno were stroking their heads and saying, “It’s fine.” One of the sixth-grade boys was saying, “I wonder if my game console at home is OK.”

Child: It must have been a kind of “earthquake sickness”, because there were little kids throwing up.

Child: My friend said: “I wonder if there’ll be a tsunami.”

The alarm of the younger children was renewed by repeated, jolting aftershocks. At 2.49pm, while the vibrations of the mother quake were still jangling outwards across northern and eastern Japan, the Meteorological Agency issued a warning: a six metre-high tsunami was expected; everyone on the coast of north-east Japan should evacuate to higher ground.

There were more aftershocks at 3.03pm, at 3.06pm and at 3.12pm. At 3.14pm, the Meteorological Agency updated its warning: the tsunami was expected to come in at a height of 10 metres. The teachers in the playground formed a huddle beneath the cherry trees and engaged in a discussion in low voices.

Like many Japanese institutions, the operations of Okawa elementary school were governed by a manual. The Education Plan, as it was called, covered everything from ethical principles to the protocol for graduation ceremonies. One section was devoted to emergencies, including fire, flood and epidemic.

The Education Plan was based on a national template, which was adjusted according to the circumstances of each school. Immediately after the earthquake, in the villages by the sea, teachers and children were following instructions to ascend up steep paths and cliff steps. At Okawa, the deputy headmaster, Toshiya Ishizaka, had been responsible for revising the Education Plan, but he had left unchanged the generic wording of the template.

As Ishizaka stood in the playground, he found only these vague words to puzzle over: “Primary evacuation place: school grounds. Secondary evacuation place, in case of tsunami: vacant land near school, or park, etc.”

The vagueness of this language was unhelpful. The reference to “park, etc” made little sense out here in the countryside, where there were fields and hills, but no parks as such. As for “vacant land”, there was an abundance of that – the question was: where?

There was an obvious place of safety. The school was immediately in front of a forested hill, 220 metres high at its highest point. Until a few years ago, the children had gone up there as part of their science lessons, to cultivate a patch of shiitake mushrooms. This was a climb that the smallest among the children could have easily managed. Within five minutes – the time it had taken them to evacuate their classrooms – the entire school could have ascended high above sea level, beyond the reach of any conceivable tsunami.

One senior teacher, Junji Endo, later recalled one brief conversation with Ishizaka, after checking for stragglers inside the school. “I asked: ‘What should we do? Should we run to the hill?’ I was told that it was impossible with the shaking.”

But one of the survivors from the sixth year recalled a much more dramatic intervention. Endo, she said, had emerged from the school, calling out loudly, “To the hill! The hill! Run to the hill!”

His alarm was picked up by one of the students, Daisuke Konno, and his friend, Yuki Sato, who made their own appeals to their sixth-year teacher, Takashi Sasaki: “We should climb the hill, sir. If we stay here, the ground might split open and swallow us up. We’ll die if we stay here!”

The boys began to run in the direction of the mushroom patch. But Endo was overruled, the boys were ordered to come back and shut up, and they returned obediently to their class.

Two distinct groups of people were beginning to gather at the school. The first were parents and grandparents, arriving by car and on foot to pick up children. The second were local people from the village – to complicate matters further, Okawa elementary was itself designated an official place of evacuation for the village of Kamaya. And a drastic difference of opinion, verging at times on open conflict, was manifesting itself in the attitudes of the two groups.

The parents, by and large, wanted to get their children out and away as soon as possible. From the education board’s log:

Child: My mum came to pick me up, and we told Mr Takashi that I was going home. We were told, “It’s dangerous to go home now, so better stay in the school.”

Parent: I told Mr Takashi, “The radio says that there’s a 10-metre tsunami coming.” I said, “Run up the hill!” and pointed to the hill. I was told, “Calm down, ma’am.”

The local people, by and large, wanted to stay put. Most of the parents who came to the school were full-time mothers and housewives; most of the villagers offering their opinions were retired, elderly and male. It was another enactment of the ancient dialogue, its lines written centuries ago, between the entreating voices of women, and the oblivious, overbearing dismissiveness of old men.

When the earthquake struck, Toshinobu Oikawa – a grey-suited man in his late 50s who worked in the local branch of the Ishinomaki town government – was in his office, not far from Okawa elementary school. Within five minutes, the first tsunami warning was received from the Meteorological Agency. Within 15 minutes, Oikawa and five of his colleagues were climbing into three cars mounted with rooftop speakers of their own, and setting out to deliver the warning in person.

They were driving through the outer margins of Kamaya when Oikawa became aware of something extraordinary taking place two miles ahead of them, at the point where the sea met the land. The place was Matsubara, the spit of fields and sand where a ribbon of pine forest grew alongside the beach. The trees were a century old. Many of them were around 20 metres high. And now, as Oikawa watched, the sea was overwhelming them, swallowing up their pointed green peaks and tearing up the forest in a frothing surge.

“I could see the white of the wave, foaming over the top of the trees,” he said. “It was coming down over them like a waterfall. And there were cars coming in the other direction, and the drivers were shouting at us: ‘The tsunami is coming. Get out! Get out!’ So immediately we made a U-turn and went back the way we’d come.”

Television helicopter footage captures the tsunami as it devastates north-east Japan
Within seconds they were driving through Kamaya again. More aftershocks were taking place. But it was as if the entire village had fallen under a spell. One of Oikawa’s colleagues was shouting through the car’s loudspeaker: “A super-tsunami has reached Matsubara. Evacuate! Evacuate to higher ground!”

“There were seven or eight people standing around the street, chatting,” Oikawa remembered. “They paid us no attention. I saw the patrol car parked in front of the village police box. But the policeman wasn’t passing on the warning, and he wasn’t trying to escape, either. We passed the school. We were driving fast, we didn’t stop, and we couldn’t clearly see the playground. But they must have heard our message too. The school bus was just standing there.”

In Kamaya, people were doing what they always did after an earthquake: tidying up. Among them was a farmer in his 60s named Waichi Nagano, who lived in a big house out in the fields. “I heard all the warnings,” he said. “There was the loudspeaker car from the town hall going up and down, saying, ‘Super-tsunami imminent: evacuate, evacuate!’ There were a lot of sirens, too. Everyone in the village must have heard them. But we didn’t take it seriously.”

In the playground, the children were becoming restless. A mood of bored resignation had established itself. It was cold. People shared blankets and hand-warmers. There was no sense of anything much happening, or that anything was likely to happen very soon.

At 3.25pm Oikawa and the three loudspeaker vans drove past, blaring their desperate warning. In the school playground, the teachers were preparing to burn wood in oil drums to keep the children warm.

At 3.30pm, an elderly man named Kazuo Takahashi fled his home next to the river. He too had ignored the warnings, until he became abruptly aware of the sea streaming over the embankment beside his house. It seemed to be coming from below the earth, as well as across it: metal manhole covers in the road were being lifted upwards by rising water; mud was oozing up between the cracks that the earthquake had opened in the road.

Takahashi directed his car towards the closest place of evacuation, the hill behind the school. On the main street of Kamaya he saw friends and acquaintances standing and chatting. He rolled down his window and called to them, “There’s a tsunami coming. Get out!” He passed his cousin and his wife and delivered the same warning. They waved, smiled and ignored him.

Takahashi parked his car next to the school. As he climbed out and made for the hill, he became aware of a large number of children issuing forth from the school in a hurry.

Among them was Tetsuya Tadano, who had remained in the playground with his class. Mr Ishizaka, the deputy head, was absent from the playground. He reappeared suddenly. “A tsunami seems to be coming,” he called. “Quickly. We’re going to the traffic island. Get into line, and don’t run.”

Tetsuya and his friend Daisuke Konno were at the front of the group. The traffic island was less than 400 metres away, just outside the village, at the point where the road met the New Kitakami Great Bridge. It was as he approached this junction that he saw a black mass of water rushing along the main road ahead of him.

Debris in a second-floor classroom at Okawa elementary school. Photograph: Asahi Shimbun via Getty Images
Barely a minute had passed since he had left the playground. He was conscious of a roaring sound, and a sheet of white spray above the black. It was streaming in from the river, the direction in which the children had been ordered to move.

Some of those at the front of the line froze in the face of the wave. Others, including Tetsuya and Daisuke, turned at once and ran back the way they had come. The rest of the children were continuing to hurry towards the main road; the little ones towards the back were visibly puzzled by the sight of the older children pelting in the opposite direction.

Soon, Tetsuya and Daisuke found themselves at the foot of the hill, at the steepest and most thickly forested section of the slope. At some point, Tetsuya became aware that Daisuke had fallen, and he tried, and failed, to pull his friend up. Then Tetsuya was scrambling up the hill. As he did so, he looked back over his shoulder and saw the darkness of the tsunami rising behind him. Soon it was at his feet, his calves, his buttocks, his back.

“It felt like the huge force of gravity when it hit me,” he said. “It was as if someone with great strength was pushing. I couldn’t breathe, I was struggling for breath.” He became aware of a rock and a tree, and found himself trapped between them, with the water rising about him.

Then darkness overcame him.

Everyone who experienced the tsunami saw, heard and smelled something subtly different. Much depended upon where you were, and the obstacles that the water had to overcome to reach you. Some described a waterfall, cascading over sea wall and embankment. For others, it was a fast-rising flood between houses, deceptively slight at first, tugging trippingly at the feet and ankles, but quickly sucking and battering at legs and chests and shoulders. In colour, it was described as brown, grey, black, white.

The one thing it did not resemble in the least was a conventional ocean wave, the wave from the famous woodblock print by Hokusai: blue-green and cresting elegantly in tentacles of foam. The tsunami was a thing of a different order: darker, stranger, massively more powerful and violent, without kindness or cruelty, beauty or ugliness, wholly alien. It was the sea coming on to land, the ocean itself picking up its feet and charging at you with a roar in its throat.

It stank of brine, mud and seaweed. Most disturbing of all were the sounds it generated as it collided with, and digested, the stuff of the human world: the crunch and squeal of wood and concrete, metal and tile. In places, a mysterious dust billowed above it, like the cloud of pulverised matter that floats above a demolished building. It was as if neighbourhoods, villages, whole towns were being placed inside the jaws of a giant compressor and crushed.

From the hillside that overlooked Kamaya, where they had narrowly escaped to safety, Waichi Nagano and his wife, Hideko, could see the whole scene spread out below them, as the water swept in pulsing surges over the embankment and across the village and the fields. “It was a huge black mountain of water, which came on all at once and destroyed the houses,” he said. “It was like a solid thing. And there was this strange sound, difficult to describe. It wasn’t like the sound of the sea. It was more like the roaring of the earth, mixed with a kind of crumpling, groaning noise, which was the houses breaking up.”

There was another fainter noise. “It was the voices of children,” said Hideko. “They were crying out – ‘Help! Help!’” On the hill above, where he had half-climbed, half-floated to safety, Kazuo Takahashi heard them, too. “I heard children,” he said. “But the water was swirling round, there was the crunching sound of the wave and the rubble, and their voices became weaker and weaker.”

Tetsuya Tadano came to on the hill, blinded by mud and with the roar of the tsunami in his ears. His limbs were immobilised by spars of debris and by something else – something wriggling and alive, which was shifting its weight on top of him. It was Kohei Takahashi, Tetsuya’s friend and fifth-year classmate. Kohei’s life had been saved by a household refrigerator. It had floated past with its door open as he thrashed in the water, and he had squirmed into it, ridden it like a boat and been dumped by it on his schoolmate’s back.

“Help! I’m underneath you,” Tetsuya cried. Kohei tugged him free. Standing on the steep slope, the two boys beheld the scene below.

Beyond Kamaya had been a succession of hamlets, and beyond them fields, low hills, the swaying curve of the river and finally the Pacific Ocean. After the tsunami, the village, the hamlets, the fields and everything else between here and the sea was gone.

Tetsuya’s first thought was that he and his friend were already dead. He took the raging water to be the River of Three Crossings, the Japanese equivalent of the River Styx. Those who have led good lives cross the river safely by bridge; evil-doers must take their chances in the dragon-ridden waters. Innocent children, being neither sinful nor virtuous, rely on a kindly Buddha to make their passage, and to protect them from the depredations of hags and demons.

The devastated town of Minamisanriku, Miyagi, two days after the tsunami. Photograph: The Asahi Shimbun/Getty Images
“I thought I’d died,” Tetsuya said. “Dead … the River of Three Crossings. But then there was the New Kitakami Great Bridge, and the traffic island. And so I thought this might be Kamaya after all.”

The water, which had receded, began to surge up the hill again. The two boys tottered up the slope. Tetsuya’s face was black and bruised. In the churn of the tsunami, the ill-fitting plastic helmet that he wore had twisted on its strap and dug brutally against his eyes. His vision was affected for weeks; he could only dimly make out what was going on in the water below.

Kohei’s left wrist was broken and his skin was punctured by thorns, but his vision was unaffected. Whatever was visible of the fate of his school and his schoolmates, he saw it. He would never talk publicly about it.

Only later would the full scale of the tragedy at Okawa elementary school become clear. The school had 108 children. Of the 78 who were there at the moment of the tsunami, 74 of them, and 10 out of the 11 teachers, had died.

Later, many of the children’s parents were tormented by self-reproach for not rushing to the school to collect them. But far from being neglectful or lazy, they had followed the course of action that, in every other circumstance, would have been most likely to secure their safety and survival. Nowhere in Japan are precautions against natural disaster more robust than in state schools. On 11 March 2011, out of 18,000 people killed by the earthquake and tsunami in Japan, only 75 were children in the care of their teachers. All but one were at Okawa elementary school.

Katsura Sato’s daughter Mizuho was one of the children killed at Okawa. “After the cremation – well, I’m usually healthy, but I became ill,” Katsura said. “I couldn’t get up. I stayed in bed for three days. And I started thinking and thinking, and I became very suspicious about the circumstances in which we lost our daughter. I knew that this was a great natural disaster, and I assumed at the beginning that there must have been many other cases like this, other schools where the same thing happened. But why did I never hear of them?” In the nearby villages along the river, as they began to catch their breath in the weeks following the disaster, other parents were asking the same question.

The revelation of the truth about what had happened was itself the opposite of a tsunami. There was no grand climax, no crashing wave or rumbling of the earth. The facts came out in trickles and drips, some falling naturally, some squeezed out by wringing hands. The stray words of a surviving child, revealing an unrecognised failure. A document exposing contradictions in the official account. The official account itself, wobbling and bending. Every few months there was a new “explanatory meeting”, at which the bureaucrats of the Ishinomaki Education Board submitted themselves to the anger of the parents. Reluctantly and with trepidation, people came forward to tell their stories.

The imperviousness of the city officials, their refusal to muster a human response to the grief of the families, seemed at the beginning to be a collective failure of character, and of leadership. But as time passed, the parents began to suspect another motivation – an obsession with avoiding anything that could be taken as an admission of liability. The metallic tang of lawyerly advice lingered around many of the bureaucrats’ utterances. They were happy to express grief and condolence, and willing to abase themselves in general terms for their unworthiness. But to acknowledge specific negligence on the part of individuals, or systematic, institutional failure – that was a step no one would take.

Twenty-three months after the tsunami, the Ishinomaki city government announced the establishment of something called the Okawa elementary school incident verification committee, which would spend a year reviewing documents and conducting interviews. Its findings were published in a 200-page report in February 2014.

 A clock in a second-floor classroom at Okawa elementary school, which stopped at 3.36pm, about 50 minutes after the earthquake. Photograph: Alamy
The committee’s mission – “verification” – turned out to have specific and limited scope: to establish the facts and causes of what happened, but by no means to assign personal responsibility. It concluded that the deaths arose because the evacuation of the playground was delayed, and because the children and teachers eventually fled towards the tsunami, not away from it.

The report said that the school, the board of education and the city government were inadequately prepared for such a natural disaster. The municipal “hazard map”, which indicated areas of coast vulnerable to tsunami, did not include Kamaya. The possibility of a tsunami was not considered in compiling the school’s disaster manual, and there were no tsunami evacuation drills. No one in the municipal government had checked on the preparations taken by the school. “Teachers at the school,” the report stated, “were psychologically unable to accept that they were facing imminent danger.” If any one of these failures had not occurred, the committee concluded, the tragedy could have been avoided.

The most controversial aspects of the case – such as the silencing of the boys who wanted to run to the hill – were ignored or skated over. To the parents, the committee’s conclusions were no more than an expensive restatement of what had been obvious for more than two years. The true purpose of the exercise, they concluded, was to shut down disagreement about the tragedy by commissioning “independent” experts to produce a tepid report, which articulated mild criticisms while sparing the careers and reputations of the guilty.

The committee’s report came out almost three years after the tsunami. The day before the anniversary, on 10 March 2014, came a startling piece of news. The families of 23 children who had died at Okawa were suing the city of Ishinomaki and Miyagi prefecture in the Sendai district court. They accused them of negligence, and demanded compensation for each of the lives lost. It was two years and 364 days since the disaster – the very last moment that it was legally possible to file a case. It was the move they had secretly been planning all along.

In Japanese justice, nothing happens quickly. It was not until April 2016 that witnesses appeared to give evidence in the case against Ishinomaki city and Miyagi prefecture, the co-defendants in the case. The plaintiffs’ claim was that the city, in the person of the teachers at Okawa elementary school, had been guilty of negligence in failing to protect the children in its care. The case centred on two questions. Could the teachers have foreseen the coming of the tsunami? And, if so, could they have saved the children from it?

The Sendai district court delivered its verdict on 26 October 2016. I took the bullet train up that morning from Tokyo. It was a warm, piercingly bright day. Five and a half years had passed since the tsunami, and there was no obvious sign that it had ever taken place. The towns and cities of Tōhoku were humming with the money that was being injected into the region for its reconstruction. One hundred thousand people still lived in metal houses, but these upsetting places were tucked away out of sight of the casual visitor. None of the towns destroyed by the wave had been rebuilt, but they had been scoured completely of rubble. Coarse, tussocky grass had overgrown the coastal strip, and those ruins that poked through it looked more like neglected archaeological sites than places of continuing pain and despair.

In front of the Sendai courthouse, reporters and photographers were milling lazily. A ripple of animation passed through them at the arrival of a procession, slowly making its way through the sunshine. It was the plaintiffs, the mothers and fathers of the Okawa children, walking along the pavement, three abreast. They wore black. Several carried framed photographs of their sons and daughters. The three men at the front held a wide banner. Around its margins were the faces of the 23 children named in the case, photographed at home, at school or playing outside, laughing, smiling or solemn. In the centre was a sentence of Japanese, the characters carefully hand-painted with an ink brush: “We did what our teachers told us.”

The doors of the courtroom were opened, and everyone took their places. I looked across at the black-clad parents. How many hours I had spent talking to them over the years, in conversations filled with intense, and sometimes unbearable, detail. They had spoken to me about each stage of the lives of their children, in childhood, infancy, even in gestation. Grief was in their noses like a stench; it was the first thing they thought of when they woke in the morning, and the last thing in their minds as they went to sleep at night. They remembered the school, and the community of families of which it was the focus. They described the disaster and its unfolding, the blows of realisation that followed, and the asphyxia of loss and of survival.

A door opened noiselessly, and all at once the three judges – a young woman and two middle-aged men – were seated in their black gowns. The judge in the centre began speaking, quickly, quietly and without inflection. The Japanese he used, formal and legalistic, was beyond my grasp. So I focused instead on the faces of the listening parents – there, surely, I would immediately be able to read the verdict, in their anger or jubilation. The faces looked intently at the judge. They frowned in concentration; their features were blank and expressionless. And then, as suddenly as it began, it was all over, and the occupants of the court were standing up and filing out.

The parents were on their feet, too. They exchanged no words or glances; they looked grave and even grim. And yet, towards the end, I thought I had been able to follow part of the judge’s ruling, the part when he seemed to be ordering the defendants to pay what sounded like a very large sum of money.

I stepped out into the corridor where the Japanese reporters were huddled, comparing notes. I had not misunderstood. The Okawa parents had won their case – they had been awarded more than £11m. All their children were still dead.

(Source: The Guardian)

Ram Rahim in jail: How an anonymous letter crushed the might of Dera godman

An anonymous letter by a former sadhvi, who was too scared to come out in the open, ultimately sunk the ship of Gurmeet Ram Rahim, the mighty godman of Dera Sacha Sauda.

The CBI special court in Pankula today convicted Dera Sacha Sauda chief Gurmeet Ram Rahim in a case of rape of two women followers. Gurmeet Ram Rahim faces a jail term upto seven years. The quantum of punishment will be pronounced on August 28.

The governments of Punjab and Haryana have made elaborate security arrangements to prevent any untoward happening.

The case relates to rape and sexual exploitation of a former sadhvi at Dera Sacha Sauda. It began with an anonymous letter in 2002. It was supposed to be written by a devotee of Ram Rahim who became a sadhvi at his Dera.

Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh 

WHAT LETTER CLAIMED
Typed in Hindi, the anonymous letter claimed that Gurmeet Ram Rahim raped and sexually exploited women followers at the Dera. The complainant said that she was a graduate from Punjab and had been convinced by her parents to become a sadhvi at the Dera Sacha Sauda and become a disciple of Gurmeet Ram Rahim.

The woman said that two years after joining the Dera as sadhvi, she was called to Ram Rahim's 'gufa'- residence of the Dera chief. Inside the gufa, the woman found Ram Rahim watching television with a pistol by his side.

Ram Rahim, the woman claimed, raped her and threatened with serious consequences if she spoke about it anywhere. The woman alleged that Ram Rahim raped her repeatedly during her stay at Dera.
The complainant claimed that there were many other girls who had met the same fate. Ram Rahim, she said in the letter, claimed that no authority could take action against him.


HIGH COURT TAKES FIRST STEP
Shattered to core, the woman wrote a letter narrating her ordeal and sought intervention of the then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. She addressed her letter to the Punjab and Haryana chief ministers, the Union Home Ministry, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and the Punjab and Haryana High Court.

While others did not respond to her letter, the Punjab and Haryana High Court took cognisance of the letter and sought a report from the District and Sessions Judge of Sirsa. District judge MS Sular conducted an inquiry and submitted his report recommending probe by a central agency.

After getting the report from Sirsa, the Punjab and Haryana High Court referred the matter to the CBI for probe into the allegations leveled in the letter. The Chandigarh branch of CBI registered a case of rape under IPC Section 376, criminal intimidation under Section 506 and insult to the modesty of woman under 509.

On the other hand, the Dera managers suspected that Ranjeet Singh - a Kurukshetra-based member of the management committee - was behind the letter. They accused Ranjeet Singh of getting his sister, who was a sadhvi at Dera, write the anonymous letter. Two months after the letter became public, Ranjeet Singh was killed allegedly by Ram Rahim's supporters.


LOCATING THE COMPLAINANTS
As the letter was anonymous, it was a tough ask for the CBI to locate the complainant after filing an FIR in 2002. This was to be the first step in the probe against Gurmeet Ram Rahim.

The officials involved in the investigation first zeroed in on a former sadhvi based in Bathinda. But, the woman denied writing the letter and the claims made in it.

Before the CBI could locate the complainant, the Gurmeet Ram Rahim got a court order to stay investigation against him on the basis of an anonymous letter. The probe was stopped for better part of 2003 and 2004 when it was finally vacated.

Now, the CBI got involved in the case with more vigour and succeeded in locating and identifying the complainant. It turned out that there was more than one complainant. It took a while for the CBI to convince the sadhvis to depose in the court against Gurmeet Ram Rahim.

In 2007, the CBI filed its chargesheet in the special court at Ambala. The CBI special court was later shifted to Panchkula. The two sadhvis deposed before the court stating that Gurmeet Ram Rahim sexually exploited them.

In 2008, the CBI court ordered framing of charges of rape against Gurmeet Ram Rahim and the trial began which ended today with the pronouncement of judgment holding him guilty of rape.

(Source: India Today)

Women prefer to marry men with beards, according to science

Women, how do you feel about men with beards?

Well, a new scientific study says that most women view bearded chaps as more trustworthy and as better potential mates than their clean-shaven peers.

The study, which was published in the Journal of Evolutionary Biology, said that women see men with beards as being better relationship material.

Why so?

Well, it could be that facial hair indicates maturity, which suggests that the man might be more established and ready to settle down.

Additionally, a strong jawline and other masculine features could make a man less attractive to women, as studies have shown that women prefer men with more “feminine” features. For instance, think Zac Efron or Leonardo DiCaprio rather than Dwayne Johnson (although, yes, we do smell what he is cooking).

A beard works to hide those “masculine” facial angles, which might help to make a man appear more attractive to women.

In the study published in the Journal of Evolutionary Biology, it was found that every single woman out of the 8,250 surveyed said that they preferred men with some facial hair. (Be it a bit of scruff, a full-on beard or something in between.)


However, most women would probably agree that a well-groomed beard is more appealing than an “Alaskan Bush People” beard. You want your facial hair to say “grown and sexy” not “castaway.” (Although, around the holidays, you might consider trying out the “Glitter Beard” trend for a Christmas party.)

Additionally, another study found that men with deep voices were also viewed as most masculine and appealing.

So, there you have it, men: If you want to land a lot of ladies, consider growing your facial hair out a bit. . .and if that isn’t your thing, maybe you can drop your voice a few octaves.

Just don’t start talking like Christian Bale in ‘The Dark Knight.” That might be taking it a bit too far.

Bearded or not, once you do find your Prince or Princess Charming, there are several secrets that scientists have learned to make the relationship last (hint: none of them is about facial hair).

When it comes to marital satisfaction, you may want to consider these seven secrets of happy couples, according to science.

1. They Are Agreeable
There’s something to be said about being easy going. One 13-year study from the Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin found that the trait of agreeableness is a predictor of a longer-lasting, more successful marriage.

2. They Master Communication
We all know that communication is key to a happy relationship, and that includes the language you use. One study from Texas Tech University found that subjects who use similar language are more likely to find a match when speed dating. In another study, they found that this continues on into longer term relationships as well.

3. They Avoid Social Media
Facebook and Instagram are fun, but they don’t do much for a marriage. A study from Boston University found a correlation between social media use, spousal troubles and divorce rate. They found that non–social network users reported being 11.4 percent happier with their marriage than heavy social media users.

(Source: Simplemost)