Monday, 31 July 2017

Britain to ban sale of all diesel and petrol cars and vans from 2040

Plans follow French commitment to take polluting vehicles off the road owing to effect of poor air quality on people’s health

Britain is to ban all new petrol and diesel cars and vans from 2040 amid fears that rising levels of nitrogen oxide pose a major risk to public health.

The commitment, which follows a similar pledge in France, is part of the government’s much-anticipated clean air plan, which has been at the heart of a protracted high court legal battle.

The government warned that the move, which will also take in hybrid vehicles, was needed because of the unnecessary and avoidable impact that poor air quality was having on people’s health. Ministers believe it poses the largest environmental risk to public health in the UK, costing up to £2.7bn in lost productivity in one recent year.

Ministers have been urged to introduce charges for vehicles to enter a series of “clean air zones” (CAZ). However, the government only wants taxes to be considered as a last resort, fearing a backlash against any move that punishes motorists.

“Poor air quality is the biggest environmental risk to public health in the UK and this government is determined to take strong action in the shortest time possible,” a government spokesman said.

“That is why we are providing councils with new funding to accelerate development of local plans, as part of an ambitious £3bn programme to clean up dirty air around our roads.”

The final plan, which was due by the end of July, comes after a draft report that environmental lawyers described as “much weaker than hoped for”.

The environment secretary, Michael Gove, will be hoping for a better reception when he publishes the final document on Wednesday following months of legal wrangling.

A briefing on parts of the plan, seen by the Guardian, repeats the heavy focus on the steps that can be taken to help councils improve air quality in specific areas where emissions have breached EU thresholds.

Measures to be urgently brought in by local authorities that have repeatedly breached EU rules include retrofitting buses and other public transport, changing road layouts and altering features such as roundabouts and speed humps.

Reprogramming traffic lights will also be included in local plans, with councils being given £255m to accelerate their efforts. Local emissions hotspots will be required to layout their plans by March 2018 and finalise them by the end of the year. A targeted scrappage scheme is also expected to be included.

Some want the countrywide initiative to follow in the footsteps of London, which is introducing a £10 toxic “T-charge” that will be levied on up to 10,000 of the oldest, most polluting vehicles every weekday.

Sources insisted that while the idea of charges were on the table, there was no plan to force councils to introduce them, and that other measures would be exhausted first.

They hope the centrepiece of Wednesday’s strategywill be the plan to ban diesel and petrol sales completely by 2040, in line with Emmanuel Macron’s efforts across the Channel.

The French president took the steps to help his country meet its targets under the Paris climate accord, in an announcement that came a day after Volvo said it would only make fully electric or hybrid cars from 2019 onwards.

That decision was hailed as the beginning of the end for the internal combustion engine’s dominance of motor transport after more than a century.

Prof David Bailey, an automotive industry expert at Aston University, said: “The timescale involved here is sufficiently long-term to be taken seriously. If enacted it would send a very clear signal to manufacturers and consumers of the direction of travel and may accelerate a transition to electric cars.”

Britain’s air quality package also includes £1bn in ultra-low emissions vehicles including investing nearly £100m in the UK’s charging infrastructure and funding the ”plug-in car” and “plug-in grant” schemes.

There will also be £290m for the national productivity investment fund, which will go towards the retrofitting, and money towards low-emission taxis.

The report will also include an air quality grant for councils, a green bus fund for low carbon vehicles, £1.2bn for cycling and walking and £100m to help air quality on the roads.

The strategy comes amid warnings that the UK’s high level of air pollution could be be responsible for 40,000 premature deaths a year.

A judge had said the government’s original plans on tackling the issue, which included five clean air zones, were so poor as to be unlawful. The government was asked to present a new draft policy to tackle air pollution from diesel traffic before the election.


It was then called to court to explain why it had made a last-minute application to delay publication of its draft policy until after the election.

James Eadie QC, representing the government, said the policy was ready to be published but it would be controversial and should therefore be withheld until after the election.

“If you publish a draft plan, it drops all the issues of controversy into the election … like dropping a controversial bomb,” he said, adding that it could risk breaching rules about civil service neutrality and lead to the policy being labelled a Tory plan.

However, judges said the government did have to publish a draft plan with the final version needed by the end of July.

May’s draft contained few concrete proposals and did not specify the cities and towns where polluting vehicles might face charges, the level of any charges or the scope or value of any scrappage scheme.

Instead, the plan put the onus for action on local authorities: “Local authorities are already responsible for improving air quality in their area, but will now be expected to develop new and creative solutions to reduce emissions as quickly as possible, while avoiding undue impact on the motorist.”

Analysis in the documents showed increasing the number of CAZs from the current six planned to 27 would make by far the greatest impact in cutting pollution and provide cost benefits of over £1bn. The CAZ policy would cut more than 1,000 times more NO2 than a scrappage scheme, even if that scheme required old diesels to be replaced by electric cars.

But it required local authorities to exhaust all other options before introducing CAZ charging for diesel vehicles, such as removing speed bumps and retrofitting buses.

The coalition government had already set out a vision for almost every car and van to be ultra-low emission by 2050 – a move which the government acknowledged would require “almost all new cars and vans sold to be near-zero emission at the tailpipe by 2040”. So it is unclear to what extent the new pledge will further boost Britain’s ability to achieve air quality requirements.

ClientEarth, the campaign group that has successfully pursued the government through the courts over the UK’s air pollution crisis, gave a cautious welcome to the announcement but said ministers must take immediate action to tackle the UK’s air pollution crisis.

“The government has trumpeted some promising measures with its air quality plans, but we need to see the detail,” said CEO James Thornton. “A clear policy to move people towards cleaner vehicles by banning the sale of petrol and diesel cars and vans after 2040 is welcome, as is more funding for local authorities.

“However, the law says ministers must bring down illegal levels of air pollution as soon as possible, so any measures announced in this plan must be focused on doing that.”

The mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, has been calling for tougher measures to tackle air pollution, which kills 9,000 people a year in the capital.

A City Hall source was sceptical about the government’s announcement. “We need to look at the full details but what Londoners suffering from the terrible health impacts of air pollution desperately need is a fully-funded diesel scrappage fund – and they need it right now.”

Areeba Hamid, clean air campaigner at Greenpeace, said: “The high court was clear that the government must bring down toxic air pollution in the UK in the shortest possible time. This plan is still miles away from that.
“The government cannot shy away any longer from the issue of diesel cars clogging up and polluting our cities, and must now provide real solutions, not just gimmicks. That means proper clean air zones and funding to support local authorities to tackle illegal and unsafe pollution.”

(Source: The Guardian)

Sunday, 30 July 2017

Man Booker prize 2017 longlist led by Arundhati Roy's return to fiction

Twenty years after her first novel took the same award, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness leads a field of 13, ranging from established stars to newcomers

Twenty years after Arundhati Roy won the Man Booker prize for her debut novel The God of Small Things, the Indian author has been longlisted for the £50,000 award for her second, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness.

On a longlist thronged with literary titans, whose combined trophy cabinet would include the Pulitzer, the Costa, the Baileys, the Folio, the Impac and the Goldsmiths prizes, Roy – the only author to have won the Booker before – is listed for her novel about an Indian transgender woman, which judges called a “rich and vital book”. Speaking about why it took her two decades to produce a second novel, Roy told the Guardian earlier this year that “fiction just takes its time. It’s no hurry. I can’t write it faster or slower than I have; it’s like you’re a sedimentary rock that’s just gathering all these layers, and swimming around.”

The Man Booker judging panel, picking from more than 150 titles, also went for four writers who have been shortlisted for the UK’s most prestigious literary prize before but not won it. Ali Smith was chosen for the “humane, zany, delightful, optimistic” post-EU referendum novel Autumn; Zadie Smith was picked for her story of the friendship and rivalry between two London girls who meet at a dance class, Swing Time; Sebastian Barry is in the running with Days Without End, about an Irish man who migrates to the US in the lead-up to the civil war; and Mohsin Hamid for Exit West, a love story set in a world where refugees use wormholes to travel from city to city.

The Booker was opened up to US authors in 2014, with Paul Beatty the first American author to win, for The Sellout last year. This year, three of the biggest names in US letters are competing for the prize: Paul Auster with 4321, which explores one man’s four simultaneous lives and was deemed “magisterial” by the judges; George Saunders, a short-story writer whose first novel Lincoln in the Bardo follows Abraham Lincoln’s visits to the graveyard where his 11-year-old son has been laid to rest in a crypt; and Colson Whitehead for his fantastical novel The Underground Railroad, about a female slave escaping from a Georgia cotton plantation, which has already won the Pulitzer and the National Book Award for fiction in the US.

“Obviously it has been very controversial, opening it up to the US,” said chair of judges Baroness Lola Young. “Before the Americans were included, I personally felt it did seem quite strange, to say it was for any book written in English from the UK, or the Commonwealth, and Ireland, and Zimbabwe – it was a slightly odd configuration. So [including America] seemed like a logical step and I don’t think readers, writers and publishers should feel too nervous.” This year, added Young, around a third of submissions were by American writers – slightly down on last year.

Saunders, Whitehead and Auster will be competing with two new names: 29-year-old Fiona Mozley, from the UK, and 38-year-old American Emily Fridlund, both picked for their debut novels, Elmet and History of Wolves respectively. They are joined by the Impac Dublin award-winning author Jon McGregor and his novel Reservoir 13, about the life of a Peak District village after a 13-year-old girl goes missing on holiday, and Kamila Shamsie’s Home Fire, a modern retelling of Sophocles’s tragedy Antigone that opens in an interrogation room in Heathrow airport.

International range … longlisted authors (from left) Arundhati Roy, Paul Auster and Zadie Smith
The longlist is completed with Irish writer Mike McCormack’s Solar Bones, a single-sentence novel that won him the Goldsmiths prize last year. First published in 2016 by tiny Irish publisher Tramp Press, McCormack’s novel was ineligible for last year’s Booker because Tramp is not based in the UK. After being picked up by Canongate, Solar Bones was made eligible for the award.

With a split of four UK, four US, two Irish, two UK-Pakistani and one Indian writer; seven men to six women; three debuts; and three novels from independent presses, chair of judges Baroness Lola Young insisted that only when the judges surveyed the 13 remaining contenders that they realised the diversity of their list.

“The longlist showcases a diverse spectrum – not only of voices and literary styles but of protagonists too, in their culture, age and gender. Nevertheless we found there was a spirit common to all these novels: though their subject matter might be turbulent, their power and range were life-affirming – a tonic for our times,” said Young. “Together their authors – both recognised and new – explore an array of literary forms and techniques, from those working in a traditional vein to those who aim to move the walls of fiction.”

With 144 novels submitted for the prize, and 10 books called in by the judges, the selection of Young and her fellow judges literary critic Lila Azam Zanganeh, author Sarah Hall, artist Tom Phillips and travel writer Colin Thubron overlooked new novels by names including former Booker winners Salman Rushdie and Roddy Doyle.

“It’s always a struggle [rejecting titles] because one is very aware of the energy and commitment it takes to produce something. You have to bear that in mind,” said Young. “Having said that, I wouldn’t say we found it incredibly difficult, in terms of having lots of arguments – there was a fair amount of consensus.”

Young and her fellow judges will now reread the longlist of 13 titles to come up with a shortlist of six, which will be announced on 13 September. The winner will be unveiled on 17 October, to join a roster of winners dating back to 1969, including Hilary Mantel, Iris Murdoch and Ian McEwan. Last year’s winner, The Sellout, has now sold more than 360,000 physical copies, with sales in the week after the prize announcement jumping by 658%.

The 2017 Man Booker prize longlist
4321 by Paul Auster (Faber & Faber)

Days Without End by Sebastian Barry (Faber & Faber)

History of Wolves by Emily Fridlund (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, Orion Books)

Exit West by Mohsin Hamid (Hamish Hamilton, Penguin Random House)

Solar Bones by Mike McCormack (Canongate)

Reservoir 13 by Jon McGregor (4th Estate, HarperCollins)

Elmet by Fiona Mozley (JM Originals, John Murray)

The Ministry of Utmost Happiness by Arundhati Roy (Hamish Hamilton, Penguin Random House)

Lincoln in the Bardo by George Saunders (Bloomsbury)

Home Fire by Kamila Shamsie (Bloomsbury)

Autumn by Ali Smith (Hamish Hamilton, Penguin Random House)

Swing Time by Zadie Smith (Hamish Hamilton, Penguin Random House)

The Underground Railroad by Colson Whitehead (Fleet, Little, Brown)

(Source: The Guardian)

Kristin Beck, transgender Navy SEAL hero: 'Let's meet face to face and you tell me I'm not worthy'

A retired Navy SEAL Team 6 hero who is transgender had a message for President Donald Trump after he announced the US military would bar transgender people from serving.

"Let's meet face to face and you tell me I'm not worthy," Kristin Beck, a 20-year veteran of the Navy SEALs, told Business Insider on Wednesday. "Transgender doesn't matter. Do your service."

Beck said Trump's abrupt change in policy could negatively affect many currently or wanting to serve in the military. The RAND Corporation estimated in 2016 that there were between 1,320 and 6,630 transgender people serving. Many of them just want to serve their country like everyone else, Beck said.

"Being transgender doesn't affect anyone else," Beck said. "We are liberty's light. If you can't defend that for everyone that's an American citizen, that's not right."

Kristin Beck speaks at the FBI Criminal Justice Information Services Division in Clarksburg, West Virginia, in 2014.

Beck is not just your average service member. Born Christopher Beck, she served for 20 years in the Navy with SEAL Teams 1, 5, and, eventually, the elite 6. She deployed 13 times over two decades, including stints in Bosnia, Iraq, and Afghanistan. She received the Bronze Star award for valor and the Purple Heart for wounds suffered in combat.

"I was defending individual liberty," she said. "I defended for Republicans. I defended for Democrats. I defended for everyone."

In a series of tweets, Trump said the decision was based on the costs of medical services that transgender service members could use. But "the money is negligible," Beck said. "You're talking about .000001% of the military budget.

"They care more about the airplane or the tank than they care about people," Beck said. "They don't care about people. They don't care about human beings."

When asked about potential problems with unit cohesion or war fighting, Beck said those were not issues that would arise from transgender service members, but from leadership.

"A very professional unit with great leadership wouldn't have a problem," Beck said. "I can have a Muslim serving right beside Jerry Falwell, and we're not going to have a problem. It's a leadership issue, not a transgender issue."

(Source: BI)

Indian Muslim teen raped, butchered and kept in fridge in London for dating Arab

Celine Dookhran was kidnapped, raped, murdered and was found inside a US$1.5 million house butchered to death because of her relationship with an Arab Muslim.

Celine Dookhran, 19, a Muslim teenager of Indian origin was found inside a US$1.95 million house butchered to death because of her relationship with an Arab Muslim.

Celine Dookhran was kidnapped, raped, murdered and was found in a Kingston home on July 19, 2017. Another woman in her 20s who managed to flee the house even after a slit in her throat, informed the police about the horrifying incident.

The two women were tasered, gagged and raped by two masked men. They both were taken to a house in Coombe Lane West where Dookhran was murdered and butchered to pieces. Her body was kept inside a fridge.

A 33-year-old man named Mujahid Arshid with no fixed address has been charged for rape, murder, kidnapping and attempted murder by a Wimbledon Magistrates' Court.

Another 28-year-old man named Vincent Tappu was also involved in the kidnapping of both the girls. Tappu appeared with Mujahid in the court and has been charged with kidnapping of both.


According to a report by The Sun, Binita Roscoe, prosecuting, told the court that Dookhran was an Indian Muslim and was involved in a relationship with an Arab Muslim man and was killed for the same.

"The deceased was involved in a relationship with an Arab Muslim and the family members didn't approve of this relationship because they are Indian Muslims."

According to Dookhran's post mortem, the cause of death was an incised wound in the neck.

The survivor's hands were tied with a cable tie and a sock was stuffed in her mouth to shut down any noise after she heard Dookhran's screams.

"She believes a sock was placed in her mouth. She heard the deceased who was in the shower screaming. The deceased was brought down, tied up. They were bound in dust sheets and placed in a vehicle." said Roscoe.

Both men are taken into custody and will be appearing in court on Friday for further proceedings.

(Source: India Today)

The evolution of Women’s Studies in India

Women’s studies have provided new and improved perspectives on major themes – women’s issues, gender, sexuality, caste to name a few – that have a significant impact and role to play in society. It has also long been a part of the larger feminist movement in India.

Many women’s studies scholars have argued that the founding point of women’s studies goes back to the 1974 report Towards Equality, published by the Committee on the Status of Women in India (CWSI). CWSI was appointed by the government in 1972 to make a report on the condition of women in India, which was also the time when the feminist movement in India was witnessing a powerful rise.

Neera Desai and Vibhuti Patel, in their article Critical Review of Researches in Women’s Studies: 1975-1988, argue that while some commissions like National Commission on Labour (1969), the Expert Committee on Unemployment Estimates (1971) and the Report on the Committee on Unemployment (1973) had undertaken researches generally highlighting the wage discrimination, general oppression of women, unemployment among women, the social scientists as well as policy makers were not acutely aware of the various issues of women and therefore, there was no urgency among them to act on these issues.

It was the Towards Equality report which specially emphasized women’s increasingly distressing conditions in the spheres of health, employment, societal status and political participation, bringing these issues to the forefront. The findings prompted Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) to fund research projects in universities, which was another major development in the trajectory of women’s studies programs. In 1974, a unit for research on women was set up in the SNDT Women’s University, Bombay, officially becoming a centre in 1985.


Pappu argues that the Women’s Studies Cell in SNDT University initiated the feminist intervention in academia and “domains where knowledge is self-reflexively produced.” Even though the term ‘feminism’ was not used, mostly because of its association with the movement in the West, leading to a simplistic and hostile identification with the West, the feminist ideology made itself visible in the Women’s Studies perspective. Contemporary scholars of women’s studies argued that it was this perspective that in an unprecedented measure moved away from the ‘male’ or ‘mainstream’ point of view on the studies on women, thereby reiterating Desai and Patels arguments.

This process of institutionalization was facilitated by initiatives like the National Conference on Women’s Studies in 1981, where the idea of forming the Indian Association of Women’s Studies (IAWS) came into being. It became a platform for the scholars and academics to share their work, journals, as well as involvement of other institutions like publishing houses that help facilitate the growth of the field.
University Grants Commission (UGC) was also instrumental in institutionalizing women’s studies as an interdisciplinary discipline in higher education. For instance, UGC, along with IAWS organized a seminar in 1985 on the importance of funding Women’s Studies Centres, that would be independent and on par with other departments and faculties. Emphasis was also laid on research and teaching. In 1986 UGC also brought out the guidelines for Development of Women’s Studies in Indian Universities and Colleges. Extension activity, under which various development projects are undertaken, was also added later.

Along with universities, non-academic spaces like autonomous research centres were also established in the 1980s, Institute of Social Studies Trust, Centre for Women’s Development Studies (CWDS), the Institute of Social Studies Trust in Delhi, the Anveshi Research Centre for Women’s Studies in Hyderabad and Chetna in Ahmedabad being some of the earliest ones. There were in total 16 autonomous organizations with focus on women and 26 women’s rights organizations promoting women’s studies.


The aim of these research centres, as ICSSR Committee also stated in its objectives, was including research to generate new data and analyses on various aspects relating to women, adding new knowledge and a ‘critical perspective’ to social science academia. In 1979, a meeting of a group of women’s studies scholars held for discussing the scope of women’s studies defined its objectives as “transformation of spheres of knowledge production” through research, for changing the perspectives of contribution of women in society as well as focus on women centric issues in the constantly transforming Indian society. Through these measures the centres of women’s studies were meant to encourage an overall transformation of the academic community to address issues that concerned women’s lives.

Thus, as Neera Desai also claimed in the book Women’s Studies in India: Some Perspectives, women’s studies program was founded to be “an instrument for women’s development and also as a necessary input to deepen the knowledge base of various disciplines…. women’s studies has to be understood not merely in the context of research and teaching but also action.” She adds that rather than a course with a curriculum and teaching methods, women’s studies program was thought to be incorporating women’s voices in the academia, by doing research from feminist perspective on women, recovering women from history, making social sciences conscious of women’s issues and their involvement in society.

These developments also highlight that the early conceptions of women’s studies programs were that of it being a complementary tool of women’s social activism. Scholars had dual tasks of creating social awareness and engaging in activism, while also developing multidisciplinary knowledge system capable of understanding, explaining and theorizing the experiences of women in different locations and in changing times. Thus, the objectives of the women’s movement and women’s studies programs overlapped, making them interrelated. Moreover, the fact that it was accepted by the higher studies institutions with a decade of its introduction also show its overall impact.


However, such variegated activities and responsibilities also brought complexities. Due to the involvement of centres with universities and colleges they could not get involved in campaigns that were overtly critical of the government, sometimes they failed to receive the support of their institutions, or had to suffer a ghettoisation rather than impacting other departments. The autonomous organizations on the other hand often lacked funding, and also did not offer regular teaching programs.

From late 1990s the issue has shifted on the nature and objectives of a women’s studies centre, but is now more focused on the methodology and content of women’s studies programs.

Pappu cites Frinde Maher and Nancy Schneidewind, who maintain that while feminist education should comprise of both feminist scholarship and pedagogy, in practice the feminist pedagogy has been grossly neglected. Pappu argues that the many conferences and meetings held to discuss the strategies and objectives of women’s studies in India do not actually raise the question of pedagogy, or the methodology of teaching a multidisciplinary program as women’s studies.

Regarding the curriculum there is little clarity as to who it is being designed for. The aim of women’s studies, as a part of the feminist movement was to tackle the marginalization of women, especially those belonging to the lower strata of society, by creating awareness among students through these programs. The strategy of data accumulation along with feminist arguments was to achieve this goal, and it has been fruitful to an extent in the presence of the many subsequent women’s activists and women’s studies scholars.

However, there is still no guarantee, as Pappu argues, that when faced with a particular data or analyses the students would adhere to feminist ideology or could articulate feminist arguments themselves. Also, there is the issue of whether data documentation on the condition of women and accounts of women’s movements or campaigns are enough to constitute women’s studies.

Another issue is the lack of presence of students belonging to the lower strata of society, whose marginalization forms the core of women’s studies, with the students mostly belonging to upper class/caste groups actually taking the course. Since, women’s studies as a program is also deeply involved in activism and social movements, the composition of the students also raises the concern of how different topics are discussed, like discrimination, abuse etc. and how they impact the students to work for these issues later in life.

Pappu relates her own experiences and claims that while a short introduction to the course is extremely impactful for the women, it is not enough to equip them with the ability to apply this knowledge in politics or academics, for which a long term engagement with the course is needed.

While women’s studies program struggle with devising effective pedagogic strategies, there has been an increase in studies on women, both by academics and NGOs, which have contributed in bringing women’s issues to the forefront. However, the greater involvement of NGOs has also brought negative consequences with it. Their studies often ignore the feminist principles and sometimes even work against it. What’s disturbing is that women’s studies centres in academic sector, as well as the publishing house have also started mimicking it. Thus, while there is wider involvement, the content of the research and studies has deteriorated and become problematic.

The way ahead for women’s studies programs is thus full of challenges. The program should not give in to the academic bureaucratic and administrative constraints, while also guide other institutions in research work by providing feminist and methodological tools of feminist critique. There should also be a constant revising and reviewing of the work so that new theories and strategies can be developed with time.

References:
Anandhi S., and Padmini Swaminathan. “Making It Relevant: Mapping the Meaning of Women’s Studies in Tamil Nadu.” Economic and Political Weekly 41, no. 42 (2006): 4444-454.
Mazumdar, V. Emergence of women’s question and role of women’s studies. New Delhi: Centre for Women’s Development Studies, 1985.
Pappu, Rekha. “Constituting a Field: Women’s Studies in Higher Education.” Indian Journal of Gender Studies Vol 9, Issue 2 (2002): 221 – 234
Women’s Studies in India: An Overview. Bangalore: Higher Education Cell, 2008
Salutes to Vina Mazumdar, doyenne of women’s studies, FeministsIndia.com

Why Women’s Studies, Economic and Political Weekly

(Source: Feminism in India)